miércoles, 22 de septiembre de 2010


A - AC | AC - AG | AG - AM | AM - AP | AP - AR | AR

  1. AEO'RA, or EO'RA
  2. ;">
  4. AERA. (chronologia.)
  6. AERA'RII TRIBU'NI. (am Eoukstrb ; Tritoni.)
  7. AERA'RIUM (t4 Jduoo-hw)
  8. AERO
  9. AES.
  10. AES (money, nummi acnei or aerii)
  15. AE5TIMATIO LITIS. (judex.)
  17. AETAS. (infans ; Impubxs.)
  18. AETO LICUM FOEDUS. (Kowbr rir Air*.Aw.)
  19. AETO'MA (o«-«yia). (fastigium.)
  21. AGALMA (ayaljux). (statuaria.)
  22. AGAMIOU GRAPHE. (matrimonium.)
  23. AGA'SO
  2. A'GELA.
  3. AGE MA
  4. AGER


  7. AGGER Qrwua)
  9. AGMEN. (Exutcrrca.)
  11. AGNO'MEN. (nohv.)
  12. AGONA'LIA, or AGO'NIA (Ov. Fast. v. 721)
  13. AGO'NES (iyuvts)
  15. AGORA (iyopi)
  16. A'GORA (iyopi)
  21. AGRAU'LIA.
  22. AGRICULTU'RA, agriculture

(image ALT: The title page of this book includes a woodcut of a taurobolium: a Mithraic adept slaughtering a cow.)William Smith, D.C.L., LL.D.: 
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities 
John Murray, London, 1875.

AEO´RA or EO´RA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (αίώρα, έώρα).

1. A festival at Athens, accompanied with sacrifices and banquets, whence it is sometimes called εǔδειπνος. The common account of its origin is as follows:--Icarius was killed by the shepherds to whom he had given wine, and who, being unacquainted with the effects of this beverage, fancied in their intoxication that he had given them poison. Erigone, his daughter, guided by a faithful dog, discovered the corpse of her father, whom she had sought a long time in vain; and, praying to the gods that all Athenian maidens might perish in the same manner, hung herself. After this occurrence, many Athenian women actually hung themselves, apparently without any motive whatever; and when the oracle was consulted respecting it, the answer was that Icarius and Erigone must be propitiated by a festival (Hygin. Poet. Astron. ii.4). According to the Etymologicum Magnum, the festival was celebrated in honour of Erigone, daughter of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra, who came to Athens to bring the charge of matricide against Orestes before the Areiopagus; and, when he was acquitted, hung herself, with the same wish as the daughter of Icarius, and with the same consequences. According to Hesychius, the festival was celebrated in commemoration of the tyrant Temaleus, but no reason is assigned. Eustathius (ad Hom. pp. 339, 1535) calls the maiden who hung herself Aiora. But as the festival is also called Άλήτις (apparently from the wanderings of Erigone, the daughter of Icarius), the legend which was first mentioned seems to be the most entitled to belief. Pollux (4.7.55) mentions a song made by Theodorus of Colophon, which persons used to sing whilst swinging themselves (έν ταîς αίώραις). It is, therefore, probable that the Athenian maidens, in remembrance of Erigone and the other Athenian women who had hung themselves, swung themselves during this festival, at the same time singing the above-mentioned song of Theodorus. (See Athen. 14.618; Schömann, Griech. Alterth. vol. ii. p. 434.) (L.S)

2. A swing, which formed a favourite amusement in Greece, as in England at the present day (cf. Suidas, s.v. Zonaras, s.v. Paus. x.29). The following cut shows a group swinging one another. (J.H.O)


AERA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (chronologia.)

AERA´RII: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). AERARII, a class of Roman citizens, who are said not to have been contained in the thirty tribes instituted by Servius Tullius. It is, how­ever, one of the most difficult points in the Roman constitution to determine who they were ; since all the passages in which they are mentioned refer only to the power of the censors to degrade a citizen, for bad conduct, by removing him from his tribe and making him an aerarian; but we nowhere find any definition of what an aerarian was. The Pseudo-Asconius (ad Cic. divin. in Caecil. p. 103, ed. Orelli), says that a plebeian might be degraded by being transferred to the tabulae Caeritum and becoming an aerarius. The error in this state­ment is, that not only a plebeian, but a senator and an eques also might become an aerarian, while for a plebeian there was no other punishment ex­cept that of becoming an aerarian. From the Pseudo-Asconius we collect that to have one's name transferred to the tables of the Caerites was equivalent to becoming an aerarian; secondly, that an aerarian no longer belonged to a century ; and, thirdly, that he had to pay the tribute in a dif­ferent man:i?r from the other citizens. These statements are confirmed by the Scholiasta Cruquius on Horace (Epist. i. 6. 62) and by Gellius (xvi. 13). If we strictly keep to what we there learn, we cannot adopt the opinion that the aerarians consisted of artizans and freedmen (Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 472), for some artizans had a very honourable position in the Servian constitu­tion ; but thfre were certain occupations, especially those of retail dealers (caupones, KcforTjAoi), which were thought degrading, and which were carried on generally by isopolites, who took up their abode at Rome, and the number of this class of persons (municipes or elves sine suffiragio) may have been very great. These people we conceive to have been the aerarii, not, indeed, on account of their occupation, but because they were citizens who did not enjoy the suffrage. Hence the Caerites were probably the first body of aerarians ; and any Roman citizen guilty of a crime punishable by the censors, might be degraded to the rank of an aerarian; so that his civic rights were sus­pended, at least for the time that he was an aerarian. But we cannot suppose that the fact of a Roman citizen engaging in trade brought about such a degradation; for there can be little doubt that the persons constituting the city tribes (tribus urbanae) were more or less all engaged in trade and commerce. Hence, to remove a man from a country tribe to a city tribe, cannot have been equivalent to making him an aerarian (Cic. pro Cluent. 43), and the latter can have been the case only when he was excluded from all the tribes, or when he belonged to a city tribe; so that moving him from his tribe was equivalent to excluding him from all tribes. Persons who were made infdmes likewise became aerarians, for they lost the jus hononim and the sunragium. (Augustin. de Civ. Dei^ ii. 13 ; Cic. pro Cluent. 42.) The two scholiasts above referred to agree in stating that the aerarians had to pay a tributum pro capite ; and that this tax was considerably higher than that paid by the other citizens, must be inferred from Livy (iv. 24), who states that Aemilius Mamercus was made an aerarian octuplicato censu. They were not allowed to serve in the legions; but as they nevertheless enjoyed the protection of the state, such a high rate of taxation cannot be considered unjust.

It has been asserted that the libertini, as such, belonged to the class of the aerarians ; but this opinion is founded upon a wrong statement of Plutarch (Poplic. 7), that freedmen did not obtain the suffrage till the time of Appius Claudius ; for Dionysius (iv. 22) informs us that Servius Tullius incorporated them with the city tribes. (Comp. Zonaras, vii. 9 j Huschke, Verfassung des Serv. TulL p. 494, &c.; Gb'ttling, Gesc/i. der Rom. Staats- verf. p. 260, &c.; Becker, Handbueh der Rom. Alterth. vol. ii. pp. 183—196.) [L. S.]


AERA´RIUM: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (τò δημόσιον), the public treasury at Rome. After the banishment of the kings the temple of Saturn and Ops was employed, upon the proposition of Valerius Poplicola, as the place for keeping the public money, and it continued to be so used till the later times of the empire. (Plut. Popl. 12, Quaest. Rom. 42; Festus, s. v. Aerarium ; Serv. on Aen. 8.322.1) Besides the public money and the accounts connected with its receipts, expenditure, and debtors, various other things were preserved in the treasury. Of these the most important were:

1. The standards of the legions (Liv. 3.69, 4.22, 7.23).

2. The various laws passed from time to time, engraven on brazen tables (Suet. Jul. 28).

3. The decrees of the senate, which were entered there in books kept for the purpose, though the original documents were preserved in the temple of Ceres under the custody of the aediles. (J. AJ 14.10.10; Plut. Cat. Mi. 17; Tac. Ann. 3.51.) (AEDILES)

4. Various other public documents, the reports and despatches of all generals and governors of provinces, the names of all foreign ambassadors that came to Rome (LEGATUS), &c.

The aerarium was the common treasury of the state, and is sometimes spoken of as the publicum (e. g. Liv. 2.5, 1; 16, 7; 42, 2). Niebuhr's view that the publicum was the treasury of the populus or patricians (Hist. ii. notes 386, 954) is erroneous, and has been disproved, among others, by Schwegler, Gesch. 2.286. Under the republic the aerarium was divided into two parts: the common treasury, in which were deposited the regular taxes (TRIBUTUM; VECTIGALIA), and from which were taken the sums of money needed for the ordinary expenditure of the state; and the sacred treasury (aerarium sanctum or sanctius, (Liv. 27.10; Flor. 4.2; Caes. B.C. 1.14; Cic. Att. 7.2. 1), which was never touched except in cases of extreme peril. Both of these treasuries were in the temple of Saturn, but in distinct parts of the temple. The sacred treasury seems to have been first established soon after the capture of Rome by the Gauls, in order that the state might always have money in the treasury to meet the danger which was ever most dreaded by the Romans--a war with the Gauls. (Appian, App. BC 2.41.) At first, probably part of the plunder which the Romans gained in their wars with their neighbours was paid into this sacred treasury; but a regular means for augmenting it was established in B.C. 357 by the Lex Manlia, which enacted that a tax of five per cent. (vicesima) upon the value of every manumitted slave should be paid into this treasury. This money was kept in the treasury in bars of gold: hence Livy speaks of aurum vicesimarium (Liv. 7.16, 27.10, 11; comp. Cic. Att. 2.1. 6). A portion of the immense wealth obtained by the Romans in their conquests in the East was likewise deposited in the sacred treasury; and though we cannot suppose that it was spared in the civil wars between!Marius and Sulla, yet Julius Caesar, when he appropriated it to his own use on the breaking out of the second civil war, B.C. 49, still found in it enormous sums of money. (Plin. Nat. 33. § § 55, 56; D. C. 41.17 ; Oros. 6.15; Lucan 3.155.) Quintilian (10.3.3) speaks of it, in a metaphor, as still remembered, if not actually existing.

Upon the establishment of the imperial power under Augustus there was an important change made in the public income and expenditure. He divided the provinces and the administration of the government between the senate, as the representative of the old Roman people, and the Caesar: all the property of the former continued to be called aerarium, and that of the latter received the name of fiscus (FISCUS). The aerarium consequently received all the taxes from the provinces belonging to the senate, and likewise most of the taxes which had formerly been levied in Italy itself, such as the revenues of all public lands still remaining in Italy, the tax on manumissions, the custom-duties, the water-rates for the use of the water brought into the city by the aqueducts, the sewer-rates, &c.

Besides the aerarium and the fiscus, Augustus established a third treasury, to provide for the pensions due to veterans on their discharge, and this received the name of aerarium militare. It was founded in the consulship of M. Aemilius Lepidus and L. Arruntius, A.D. 6. Augustus paid a very large sum into the treasury upon its foundation, and promised to do so every year. In the Monumentum Ancyranum (3.35-39), Augustus says that he paid into the treasury in the consulship of Aemilius and Arruntius 170 millions of sesterces; it has been suggested that this sum is probably the entire amount which he (1.38) contributed to it during his whole reign. As he reigned eight years and a half after the establishment of the treasury, he would in that case have contributed ten millions of sesterces every half year; but there is no authority for this view. He also imposed several new taxes to be paid into this aerarium. (Suet. Aug. 49; D. C. 55.23-25, 32; Res Gestae D. Aug. ed. Mommsen.) Of these the most important was the vicesima hereditatum et legatorum, a tax of five per cent., which had to be paid by every Roman citizen upon any inheritance or legacy being left to him, with the exception of such as were left to a citizen by his nearest relatives, or such as were below a certain amount. (D. C. 55.25, 56.28; Plin. Paneg. 37-40; Capitol. M. Anton. 11.) This tax was raised by Caracalla to ten per cent., but subsequently reduced by Macrinus to five (D. C. 77.9, 78.12), and eventually abolished altogether. (God. vi. tit. 33, s. 3.) There was also paid into the aerarium militare a tax of one per cent. upon everything sold at auctions (centesima rerum venalium), reduced by Tiberius to half per cent. (ducentesima), and afterwards abolished by Caligula altogether for Italy (Tac. Ann. 1.78, 2.42; Suet. Cal. 16); and likewise a tax upon every slave that was purchased, at first of two per cent. (quinquagesima), and afterwards of four per cent. (quinta et vicesima) of its value. (D. C. 4.31 ; Tac. Ann. 13.31; Orelli, Inscr. No. 3336.) Besides these taxes, no doubt the booty obtained in war and not distributed among the soldiers was also deposited in the military treasury.

The distinction between the aerarium and the fiscus continued to exist at least as late as the reign of M. Aurelius (τὸ βασιλικὸν καὶ τὸ δημόσιον, D. C. 71.33; Vulcat. Gallic. Avid. Cass. 7); but, as the emperor gradually concentrated the administration of the whole empire into his hands, the aerarium likewise became exclusively under his control, and this we find to have been the case even in the reign of M. Aurelius, when the distinction between the aerarium and the fiscus was still retained. (D. C. 71.33.) When the aerarium ceased to belong to the senate, this distinction between the aerarium and the fiscus naturally ceased also, as both of them were now the treasury of the Caesar; and accordingly later jurists used the words aerarium and fiscus indiscriminately, though properly speaking there was no treasury but that of the Caesar. The senate, however, still continued to possess the management of the municipal chest (area publica) of the city. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 20.) The officers in charge are called in inscriptions praefecti aerarii Saturni; but the inscriptions which make mention of quaestores aerarii Saturni, who have been supposed to be their assistants under Hadrian and Severus (Gudius, Ant. Inscr. p. 125, n. 6, p. 131, n. 3; Gruter, p. 1027, n. 4), are of doubtful genuineness: the genuine inscriptions refer to the time of Claudius (Mommsen, Staatsr. 2.525). These prefects had jurisdiction; and before their court in the temple of Saturn all informations were laid respecting property due to the aerarium and fiscus. (Plin. Paneg. 36; Dig. 49, tit. 14, ss. 13, 15.)

In the time of the republic, the entire management of the revenues of the state belonged to the senate; and under the superintendence and control of the senate the quaestors had the charge of the aerarium. (SENATUS; QUAESTOR.) With the exception of the consuls, who had the right of drawing from the treasury whatever sums they pleased, the quaestors had not the power to make payments to any one, even to a dictator, without a special order from the senate. (Plb. 6.12, 13; Liv. 38.55; Zonar. 7.13.) In B.C. 45, when no quaestors were chosen, two prefects of the city had the custody of the aerarium (D. C. 43.48); but it doubtless passed again into the hands of the quaestors, when they were elected again in the following year. In their hands it seems to have remained till B.C. 28, when Augustus deprived them of it and gave it to two prefects, whom he allowed the senate to choose from among the praetors at the end of their year of office ; but as he suspected that this gave rise to canvassing, he enacted, in B.C. 23, that two of the praetors in office should have the charge of the aerarium by lot. (Suet. Octav. 36; D. C. 53.2, 32; Tac. Ann. 13.29.) They were called praetores aerarii (Tac. Ann. 1.75; Frontin. de Aquaeduct. 100), or ad aerarium (Orelli, Inscr. No. 723). This arrangement continued till the reign of Claudius, who restored to the quaestors the care of the aerarium, depriving them of certain other offices which they had received from Augustus (Tac. Ann. 13.29; Suet. Cl. 24; D. C. 60.24); but as their age seemed too young for so grave a trust, Nero took it from them and gave it to those who had been praetors or consuls, and who received the title of praefecti aerarii. (Tac. Ann. 13.28, 29.) In the time of Vespasian we read of praetores aerarii (Tac. Hist. 4.9) ; but in the reign of Trajan, if not before, it was again entrusted to praefects, who appear to have held their office for two years; and henceforth no further change seems to have been made. (Plin. Paneg. 91, 92, Ep. 10.20; Suet. Cl. 24.)

The aerarium militare was under the care of distinct praefects, who were first appointed by lot from among those who had filled the office of praetor, but were afterwards nominated by the emperor. (D. C. 55.25; comp. Tac. Ann. 5.8.) They frequently occur in inscriptions under the title of praefecti aerarii militaris, e.g. Wilmanns, 1144, 1202, 1214, 1720, &c. ; Walter, Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, § § 58, 179, 329, 405, 3rd edition, Bonn, 1860; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 2.293-305; Lipsius, ad Tac. Ann. 13.29.

(W.S) (A.S.W)

Nota: 1 The remains of this temple are now recognised beyond doubt in the portico of eight Ionic columns on the Clivus Capitolinus, not (as by Becker, Röm. Alterth. 1.315) in the three adjoining Corinthian columns (Dyer, in Dict. Geogr. 2.781; Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 93, where the two ruins are figured together).

Nota: 1 Of this temple three Corinthian pillars with the architrave are still extant standing on the Clivus Capitolinus to the right of a person ascending the hill It was rebuilt by L Munatius Plancus in the time of Augustus Suet Aug 29 Orelli Inter No 590 and again restored Septimius Severus Becker Handbuch der Romischen Alterthumer vol i.p. 315).

AERO: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). a basket made of osiers, rushes, or sedge (Donat. ad Ter. Phorm. 1.2, 72; Vitr. 5.12), and used to contain sand (Plin H. N. 26.96), or wheat (Dig. 19, 2, 31). Rich identifies as aerones large baskets, somewhat wider at the top than the bottom, carried by soldiers employed on excavations, &c., on the bas-reliefs of Trajan's column. (J.H.F)

AES: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (χαλκός). These words signify both pure copper and a composition of metals, in which copper is the predominant ingredient. In the latter sense they should not be translated brass, but rather bronze. Brass is a combination of copper and zinc, while all the specimens of ancient objects formed of the compound material called aes, are found upon analysis to contain no zinc; but, with very limited exceptions, to be composed entirely of copper and tin, which mixture is properly called bronze. Our chief information about the copper and bronze of the ancients is derived from Pliny (H. N. XXXIV). Copper, being one of the most abundant and generally distributed of the metals, was naturally used at a very early period by the Greeks and Romans. Pliny (H. N. XXXIV.1) mentions three of its ores (lapides aerosi), namely, cadmia, chalcitis, and aurichalcum or orichalcum, into the exact nature of which this is not the place to enquire.

In the most ancient times we can ascend to, the chief supply came from Cyprus, whence the modern name of copper is said to be derived (comp. Hom. Odys. I.184, and Nitzsch's Note; Plin. H. N. VII.56 s57); but according to an old tradition it was first found in Euboea, and the town of Chalcis took its name from a copper-mine (Plin. H. N. IV.12 s21). It was also found in Asia and the south of Italy, in Gaul, in the mountains of Spain (comp. Paus. VI.19 § 2), and in the Alps. The art of smelting the ore was perfectly familiar to the Greeks of Homer's time (comp. Hesiod. Theog. 861‑866).

The abundance of copper sufficiently accounts for its general use among the ancients; money, vases, and utensils of all sorts, whether for domestic or sacrificial purposes, ornaments, arms offensive and defensive, furniture, tablets for inscriptions, musical instruments, and indeed every object to which it could be applied, being made of it (Hesiod, Op. et Di. 150, 151; Lucret. V.1286). We have a remarkable result of this fact in the use of χαλκεύς and χαλκεύειν, where working in iron is meant (Hom. Od. IX.391; Aristot. Poët. 25). For all these purposes the pure metal would be comparatively useless, some alloy being necessary both to harden it and to make it more fusible. Accordingly, the origin of the art of mixing copper and tin is lost in the mythological period, being ascribed to the Idaean Dactyli. The proportions in which the component parts were mixed seemed to have been much studied, and it is remarkable how nearly they agree in all the specimens that have been analysed. Some bronze nails from the ruins of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae; some ancient coins of Corinth; a very ancient Greek helmet, on which is a boustrophedon inscription, now in the British Museum; portions of the breastplates of a piece of armour called the Bronzes of Siris, also preserved in our national collection; and an antique sword found in France, produced in 100 parts,

  87·43 and 88 copper
  12·53 and 12 tin
________      _____
        99·96     100

At a later period than that to which some of the above works may be referred, the addition of a variety of metals seems to have been made to the original combination of copper and tin. The writers on art make particular mention of certain of these bronzes which, notwithstanding the changes they underwent by the introduction of novel elements, were still described by the words χαλκός and aes. That which appears to have held the first place in the estimation of the ancients was the aes Corinthiacum, which some pretended was an alloy made accidentally, in the first instance, by the melting and running together of various metals (especially gold and bronze), at the burning of Corinth by Lucius Mummius, in B.C. 146 (Plin. H. N. XXXIV.2 s3; Florus, II.16). This account is obviously incorrect, as some of the artists whose productions are mentioned as composed of this highly valued metal, lived long before the event alluded to. Pliny (l.c.) particularises three classes of the Corinthian bronze. The first, he says, was white (candidum), the greater proportion of silver that was employed in its composition giving it a light colour. In the second sort or quality, gold was introduced, in sufficient quantity to impart to the mixture a strong yellow or gold tint. The third was composed of equal portions of the different metals. Some, however, contend that the aes Corinthiacum was no composition of precious metals at all, but merely a very pure and highly refined bronze (Fiorillo, in the Kunstblatt, 1832, No. 97). The next bronze of note among the ancient Greek sculptors is distinguished by the title of hepatizon, which it seems it acquired from its colour, which bore some resemblance to that of the liver (ἧπαρ). Pliny says that it was inferior to the Corinthian bronze, but was greatly preferred to the mixtures of Delos and Aegina, which, for a long period, had the highest reputation. The colour of the bronze called hepatizon must have been very similar to that of the cinquecento bronzes — a dull reddish brown. Before the invention of these sorts of bronze, the first in order of celebrity was the aes Deliacum. Its reputation was so great that the island of Delos became the mart to which all who required works of art in metal crowded, and led, in time, to the establishment there of some of the greatest artists of antiquity (Plin. l.c. 2 s4). Next to the Delian, or rather in competition with it, the aes Aegineticum was esteemed. No metal was produced naturally in Aegina; but the founders and artists there were most skilful in their composition of bronze. The distinguished sculptors, Myron and Polycleitus, not only vied with one another in producing the finest works of art, but also in the choice of the bronze they used. Myron preferred the Delian, while Polycleitus adopted the Aeginetan mixture (Plin. H. N. XXXIV.2 s5). From a passage in Plutarch it has been supposed that this far-famed Delian p26bronze was of a light and somewhat sickly tint (see Quatremère de Quincy, Jupiter Olympien; Plut. De Pyth. Orac. 2). Plutarch says, that in his time its composition was unknown. For further information on the composition of bronze, see L. Savot (Num. Ant. p. ii c17), Falbroni (in the Atti dell' Acad. Ital. vol. I pp 203‑245, and Götting. Gel. Anzeig. 1811, No. 87), and Winckelmann (Werke, vol. V).

No ancient works in brass, properly so called, have yet been discovered, though it has been affirmed that zinc was found in an analysis of an antique sword (see Mongez, Mém. de l'Institut); but it appeared in so extremely small a quantity, that it hardly deserved notice; if it was indeed present, it may rather be attributed to some accident of nature than to design. On the subject of metals and metallurgy in general, see Metallum, and for the use of bronze in works of art see STATUARIA.

AES: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (money, nummi aënei or aerii). Since the most ancient coins in Rome and the old Italian states, were made of aes, this name was given to money in general, so that Ulpian (Dig. 50 tit. 16 s159) says, Etiam aureos nummos aes dicimus (compare Hor. Ars Poët. 345, Ep. I.7.23). For the same reason we have aes alienum, meaning debt, and aera in the plural, pay to the soldiers (Liv. V.4; Plin. H. N. XXXIV.1). The Romans had no other coinage except bronze or copper (aes), till B.C. 269, five years before the first Punic war, when silver was first coined; gold was not coined till sixty-twoº years after silver (H. N. XXXIII.13). For this reason Argentinus, in the Italian mythology, was made the son of Aesculanus (Quia prius aerea pecunia in usu esse coepit post argentea. August. De Civ. Dei, IV.21). Respecting the Roman copper money, see As, and respecting the Greek copper money see Chalcous.

AES CIRCUMFORA'NEUM: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). money borrowed from the Roman bankers (argentarii), who had shops in porticoes round the forum. (Cic Ad Attic ii. 1.)

AES EQUESTRE, AES HORDEA'RIUM, and AES MILITA'RE: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). were the ancient terms for the pay of the Roman soldiers, before the regular stipendium was introduced. The aes equestre was the sum of money given for the purchase of the horse of an eques ; the aes hordearium, the sum of money paid yearly for the keep of the horse of an eques, in other words the pay of an eques ; and the aes militate, the pay of a foot soldier. (Gains, iv. 27.) None of this money seems to have been taken from the public treasury, but to have been paid by certain private persons, to whom this duty was assigned by the state.

The aes hordearium, which amounted to 2000 asses, had to be paid by single women (viduae, i. e. both maidens and widows) and orphans (orbi), provided they possessed a certain amount of property, on the principle, as Niebuhr remarks, that in a military state, the women and children ought to contribute for those who fight in behalf of them and the commonwealth ; it being borne in mind, that they were not included in the census. (Liv. i. 43; Cic de Rep. ii. 20.) The equites had a right to distrain (pignoris eapio) if the aes hordearium was not paid. (Gaius, l. c)

The aes equestre, which amounted to 10,000 asses, was to be given, according to the statement of Livy (l. c.), out of the public treasury (ex publico); but as Gaius says (l. c.), that the equites had a right to distrain for this money likewise, it seems impossible that this account can be correct; for we can hardly conceive that a private person had a right of distress against a magistrate, that in, against the state, or that he could distrain any of the public property of the state. It is more probable that this money was also paid by the single women and orphans, and that it was against these that the equites had the same right to distrain, as they had in the case of the aes hordearium.

The aes militare, the amount of which is not expressly mentioned, had to be paid by the tribuni aerarii, and if not paid, the foot soldiers had a right of distress against them. (Cato, ap. Gell, vii. 10; Varr. L. L. v. 181, ed. Muller; Festus, s.v. aerarii tribuni; Gaius, l. c.) It is generally assumed from a passage of the Pseudo-Asconius (in Verr. p. 167, ed. Orelli), that these tribuni aerarii were magistrates connected with the treasury, and that they were the assistants of the quaestors ; but Madvig (De Tribunis Aerariis Disputatio, in Opuscula, vol. ii. pp. 258—261), has brought forward good reasons for believing that the tribuni aerarii were private persons, who were liable to the payment of the aes militare, and upon whose property a distress might be levied, if the money were not paid. He supposes that they were persona whose property was rated at a certain sum in the census, and that they obtained the name of tribuni aerarii, either because they received money from the treasury for the purpose of paying the soldiers, or because, which is the more probable, they levied the tributum, which was imposed for the purpose of paying the army, and then paid it to the soldiers. The state thus avoided the trouble of collecting the tributum and of keeping minute accounts, for which reason the vectigalia were afterwards farmed, and the foot-soldiers were thus paid in a way similar to the horse-soldiers. These tribuni aerarii were no longer needed when the state took into its own hands the payment of the troops (exercitus), but they were revived in B. c. 70, as a distinct class in the commonwealth by the Lex Aurelia, which gave the judicia to the senators, equites and tribuni aerarii. (tribuni Aerarii.) The opinion of Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 474.), that the aes militare was paid by the aerarians (aerarii) is, it must be recollected, merely a conjecture, which, however ingenious, is supported by no ancient authority.

It has been well remarked by Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, vol. ii p. 442), that the 2000 asses, which was the yearly pay of a horseman, give 200 asses a month, if divided by 10, and that the monthly pay of a foot soldier was 100 asses a month. It must be recollected that a year of ten, and not of twelve months, was nsed in all calculations of payments at Rome in very remote times.

AES MANUA'RIUM: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). was the money won in playing with dice, manibus collectum. Manus was the throw in the game. All who threw certain numbers, were obliged to put down a piece of money; and whoever threw the Venus (the highest throw) won the whole sum, which was called the aes manuarium, (Gell. xviii. 13 ; Suet. Aug. 71.)

AES UXO'RIUM: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). a tax paid by men who reached old age without having married. It was first imposed by the censors, M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius, in B. C. 403, but we do not know whether it continued to be levied afterwards. (Festus, s. v.; Val. Max. ii. .9. § 1; Plut. Camill. 2.) (lex Julia et Papia Poppaea.)

AESTIMATIO LITIS: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). . (judex.)

AESYMNETES: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (αìσνμήτης, from αîσα, "a just portion," hence "a person who gives every one his just portion "), originally signified merely a judge in the heroic games, but afterwards indicated an individual who was occasionally invested voluntarily by his fellow-citizens with unlimited power in a Greek state. His power, according to Aristotle, partook in some degree of the nature both of kingly and tyrannical authority ; since be was appointed legally and ruled over willing subjects, but at the same time was not bound by any laws in his public administration. (Aristot Polit. iii. 9. § 5, iv. 8. § 2 ; Hesych. s. v.) Hence Theophrastus calls the office τυραννìς αίρετή, and Dionysius (v. 73) compares it with the dictatorship at Rome. It was not hereditary ; but it was sometimes held far life, and at other times only till some object was accomplished, such as the reconciling of the various factions in the state, and the like. We have only one express instance in which a person received the title of Aesymnetes, namely, that of Pittacus, in Mytilene, who was appointed to this dignity, because the state had been long torn asunder by the various factions, and who succeeded in restoring peace and order by his wise regulations and laws. (Dionys. v. 73; Strab. xiii. p. 617 ; Plut. Solon, 4 ; Diog. Laert, i. 75 ; Plehn, Lesbiaca, pp. 46,48.) There were, however, no donbt many other persons who ruled under this title for a while in the various states of Greece, and those legislators bore a strong resemblance to the aesymnetes, whom their fellow-citizens appointed with supreme power to enact laws, as Dracon, Solon, Zaleucus and Charondas. In some states, such as Cyme and Chalcedon, it was the title borne by the regular magistrate*. (Wachsmuth, Hellen. Alterthum. vol. i. pp. 423, 441, 2d ed. ; Tittmann, Griech. Staattc p. 76, Ac. ; Schomann, Antiq. Jur. Publ. Graec., p. 88 ; Hermann, Staatsalterth. § 63.)

AETAS.: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.).(infans; Impubes.)

Quedo aquí
AETO LICUM FOEDUS: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (Kowbr rir Air*. Aw.) The inhabitants of the southern coast of the country, afterwards called Aetolia, appear to have formed a sort of confederacy as early as the time of Homer. (/£. ii. 638, Ac, xiii. 217 Ac.) In the time of Thncydides (iii. Ill), the several Aetolian tribes between the rivers Achelous and Evenus, appear to have been quite independent of one another, although they were designated by the common name of Aetolians; but we nevertheless find that, on certain occasions, they acted in concert, as for example, when they sent embassies to foreign powers, or when they had to ward off the attacks of a common enemy. (That /. e., iii. 95, Ac.) It may therefore be admitted that there did not exist any definite league among the tribes of Aeto- lia, and that it was only their common danger that made them act in concert; but such a state of things, at any rate, facilitated the formation of a league, when the time came at which it was needed. But the league appears as a very powerful one very soon after the death of Alexander the Great, viz. daring the Lamian war against Antipater. (Died, xix. 66, xx. 99.) How far its organisation was then regulated is unknown, though a certain confutation most have existed as early as that time, since we find that Aristotle wrote a work on the |

Aetolian constitution. ( Smb. Vil p. 321.) But it was certainly wanting in internal solidity, and not based upon any firm principles. In B. c 204, two of the heads of the confederacy, Isnrimaehus and Scopes, were commissioned to regulate its constitution, and it was perhaps in consequence of their regulation, that a general cancelling of debts was decreed two years later. (Polyb. xiii. 1, Propm. //ist 68.) The characteristic difference between the Aetolian and Achaean leagues, was that the former originally consisted of a confederacy of nations or tribes, while the latter was a confederacy of towns. Hence the ancient and great towns of the Aetolians, throughout the period of the league, are of no importance and exercise no influence whatever. Even Therm on, although it was the head of the league, and the place where the ordinary meetings of the confederates were held (Polyk v. 8, xviii. 31, xxviii. 4 ; Strab. x. p. 463), did not serve as a fortress in times of war, and whenever the Aetolians were threatened by any danger, tbey preferred withdrawing to their impregnable mountains.

The sovereign power of the confederacy was vested in the general assemblies of all the confederates (ravor Taif AlratXssr, crmcilittm Aetolormm), and this assembly unquestionably had the right to discuss all questions respecting peace and war, and to elect the great civil or military officers of the league. It is however clear, that those assemblies could not be attended by all the Aetolians, for many of them were poor, and lived at a great distance, in addition to which the roads were much more impassable than in other parts of Greece. The constitution of the league was thus in theory a democracy, but under the cover of that name it was in reality an aristocracy, and the name I'anaefo/ievm, which Liry (xxzi. 29) applies to the Aetolian assembly, must be understood accordingly, as an assembly of the wealthiest and most infiuential persons, who occasionally passed the most arbitrary resolutions, and screened the maddest and most unlawful acts of the leading men under the fine name of a decree of all the Aetolians.

We have already mentioned that the ordinary place of meeting was Thermon, but on extraordinary occasions assemblies were also held in other towns belonging to the league, though they were not situated in the country of Aetolia Proper, e. g. at Heracleia (Liv. xxxiii. 3), Naupnctus (xxxr. 12), Hypata (xxxvi. 2, 8), and Lamia (xxxr. 43, 44). The questions which were to be brought before the assembly were sometimes discussed previously by a committee, selected from the great mass, and called Apoclcti (AwoirATrroi, Suid. ». r. ; Liv. xxxvi. 28.) Some writers believe that the Apocleti formed a permanent council, and that the thirty men sent out to negotiate with Antiochus were only a committee of the Apocleti. (Polyb. iv. 9, xx. 10, xxL 3 ; Tittmann, Grieeh. Staattrerf. p. 727.)

The general assembly usually met in the autumn, when the officers of the league were elected. ( Polyb. iv. 37.) The highest among them, as among those of the Achaean league, bore the title of o-rpanryd'r, whose office lasted only for one year. The first whose name is known, was Karydamus, who commanded the Aetolians in the war against the Galatians. (Paus.x. 16. § 2.) The strategus had the right to convoke the assembly ; he presided in it, introduced the subjects for deliberation, and levied ) the troops. (Liv. xxxriii. 4.) He had his share

of the hooty made in war, but was not allowed to vote in decisions upon peace and war. (Liv. xxxv. 25.) This was a wise precaution, as a sanguine strategus might easily have involved the league in wars which would have been ruinous to the nation. His name was signed to all public documents, treaties, and decrees of the general assembly. An exception occurs in the peace with the Romans, because they themselves dictated it and abandoned the usual form. (Polyb. xxii. IS.) Respecting the mode of election, we are informed by Hesychius (s. v. Kudiuf xarply), that it was decided by white and black beans, and not by voting, but by drawing lots, so that we must suppose the assembly nominated a number of candidates, who then had to draw lots, and the one who drew a white bean was strategus.

The officers next in rank to the strategus were the hipparchus and the public scribe. (Polyb. xxii. 15 ; comp. Liv. xxxviii. 11.) We further hear of trvvtSpoi, who act as arbiters (Bockh, Corp. Inter. vol. ii. p. 633), and vofioypaQoi, who however may have had no more to do with the writing down of laws, than the Athenian nomothctue. (Bockh, I. c. pp. 857, 858.)

With the exception of the points above mentioned, the constitution of the Actolian league is involved in great obscurity. There are, however, two things which appear to have had an injurious effect upon the confederacy, first the circumstance that its members were scattered over a large tract of country, and that besides Aetolia Proper and some neighbouring countries, such as Locris and Thessaly, it embraced towns in the heart of Peloponnesus, the island of Cephalenia in the west, and in the east the town of Cius on the Propontis ; in the second place, many of the confederates had been forced to join the league, and were ready to abandon it again as soon as an opportunity offered. (Polyb. iv. 25 ; comp. xxii. 13, 15 ; Liv. xxxviii. 9, 11.) The towns which belonged to the league of course enjoyed isopolity; but as it endeavoured to increase its strength in all possible ways, the Actolians also formed connections of friendship and alliance with other states, which did not join the league. (Polyb. ii. 46.) The political existence of the league was destroyed in B. C. 189 by the treaty with Rome, and the treachery of the Roman party among the Actolians themselves caused in n. c. 167 five hundred and fifty of the leading patriots to be put to death, and those who survived the massacre, were carried to Rome as prisoners. (Liv. xlv. 31 ; Justin, xxxiii. 2 ; comp. Tittmann, Darstellung der Griech. Staatsverf. p. 721, &C.; Lucas, Ueber Polyb. Darstellung des Aetol. Ilundes, Kbnigsberg, 1827, 4to. j K. F. Hermann, Griech. tStaatsalterth. § 183 ; Schorn, Geschichte Grieehad. p.25,&c ; Brandstater, Die Gesch. des Aetol. Landes, Volkes and Dundes, p. 298, &c.) (L. S.)

AETO'MA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (o«-«yia). (fastigium.)

AFFI'NES, AFFI'NITAS, or ADFI'NES, ADFI'NITAS: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). Affinitas is that relation into which one family comes with respect to another by a marriage between the members of the respective families ; but it is used more particularly to express the relation of husband and wife to the cognati of wife and husband respectively. The husband and wife were also affines with respect to their being members of different families ; and the betrothed husband and wife (sponsus, sponsa) with reference to their intended marriage. Affinitas can only be the result of a lawfu} marriage. There are no degrees of affinitas corresponding to those of cognatio, though there are terms to express the various kinds of affinitas. The father of a husband is the socer of the husband's wife, and the father of a wife is the socer of the wife's husband ; the term socrus expresses the same affinity with respect to the husband's and wife's mothers. A son's wife is nurus or daughter-in-law to the son's parents ; a wife's husband iB gencr or son-in-law to the wife's parents.

Thus the avus, a via— pater, mater—of the wife become by the marriage respectively the socer magnus, prosocrus, or socrus magna— socer, Boctus —of the husband, who becomes with respect to them severally progener and gener. In like manner the corresponding ancestors of the husband respectively assume the same names with respect to the son's wife, who becomes with respect to them pronurus and nurus. The son and daughter of a husband or wife born of a prior marriage, are called privignus and privigna, with respect to their step-father or step-mother ; and, with respect to such children, the step- father and step-mother are severally called vitricus and noverca. The husband's brother becomes levir with respect to the wife, and his sister becomes Glos (the Greek yd\a>s). Marriage was unlawful among persons who had become such affines as above-mentioned j and the incapacity continued even after the dissolution of the marriage in which the affinitas originated. (Gaius, i. 63.) A person who had sustained such a capitis diminutio as to lose both his freedom and the civitas, lost also all his affines. (Dig. 38. tit. 10. s. 4 ; Booking, fnstitutionen, vol. i. p. 267.) (G. L.)

AGALMA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (ayaljux). (statuaria.)

AGAMIOU GRAPHE: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (iyaptov ypaQ-f,). (matrimonium.)

AGA'SO: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). a groom, a slave whose business it was to take care of the horses. The word is also used for a driver of beasts of burthen, and is sometimes applied to a slave who had to perform the lowest menial duties. (Liv. xliii. 5 ; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 11 ; Curt. viii. 6 ; Hor. Serm. ii. 8. 72 ; Pers. v. 76.)

AGATHOERGI: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (iyaSotpyol). In time of war the kings of Sparta had a body-guard of 300 knights (nrrcly), of whom the five eldest retired every year, and were employed for one year, under the name of agathoergi in missions to foreign states. (Herod, i. 67.) It has been maintained by some writers that the agathoergi did not attain that rank merely by seniority, but were selected from the hnreis by the ephors without reference to age. (Ruhnken, Ad Timaei iMcic. Plat. t.v. j Hesych. s. v.; Bekker, Anted, vol. L p. 209.)

A'GELA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (ay4\jj), an assembly of young men in Crete, who lived together from their eighteenth year till the time of their marriage. Up to the end of their seventeenth year they remained in their father's house ; and from the circumstance of their belonging to no agela, they were called airdyeKoi. They were then enrolled in ayclac, which were of on aristocratic nature, and gave great power to particular families. An agria always consisted of the sons of the most noble citizens, who were usually under the jurisdiction of the father of the youth who had been the means of collecting the agcla. It was the duty of this person, called iyfKdrvs, to superintend the military and gymnastic exercises of the youths (who were called hrytkairroi), to accompany them to tbe chase, and to punish them when disobedient- He vai act^muble, however, to the stale, which supported tie agda at the public expense. All the members cj an apei'a were obliged to marry at the same case. When thej ceased to belong to an agela, they partook of the public meals for men {&&p*7a) (syssttia). These institntiona were afterwards preserred in only a few states of Crete, such for instance as Lvctu*. (Ephorus, ap. Strab. x. p. 480, Ac; HeracL Pool, c 3. ; Hock, Oreta, iii p. 100, &t ; Mailer, Dor. iv. 5. § 3 ; Hermann, (Jneck. Stoaisaiicrtkumer* § 22 ; Wachsmuth, J/eUen. A&aikmmskmMU^ vol. L p. 362, 2decL; Krause, Die Gmamk u. Apomi^Je d. Hellem, p. 690, Ac.) At Sparta the youtiis left their parents' houses at seres rears of age and entered the ftovat.

AGE MA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (&yrt/jA from &>w), the name of a chases body of troops in the Macedonian army, assisting of horse-soldiers and foot-soldiers, but usually of the former. 11 seems to hare raried in samber ; sometimes it con* is ted of 150 men, at ether times of 300, and in later times it contained as many as 1000 or 2000 men. (Diod. xix. 27, 23: Lir. xxxvii, 40 ; xliii 51. 58 ; Curt. ir. 13 ; P«rb_v.25, 65, xxxi. 8 ; Hesych. and Suid.ce.; Eastatk ad Cml i. p. 13*9, 62)

AGER: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). is the general term for a district or tract of country, which has some definite limits, and belongs to some political society. Ager Roman us is tbe old territory of the Romans. Agri, in the plural, of leu means lands in the country as opposed to town: ** est in agris,** means " he is in the country :" *■ niiitere in agros,** a phrase that occurs in speaking of the agrarian laws, means to assign portions of the Ager Publicus to individuals. (Lir. vL 17, x.21.)

Terra is an indefinite term : it is a whole country without reference to political limits, as Terra Itaba.

Ager Publicus was the property of the Roman state, part of the Publicum. Ager Privatum was the property of individuals. Some remarks on the general division of land into Publicus and Privatus, and on the nature of land that was Sacer and Ileligiosue, are contained in the article on the Agrarian Laws. Ager Occupatorius is land occupied by a victorious people when the conquered people had been driren out {Rex Agruriae A adores, p. 45, ed. Goes.) : the possessiones (agrariab Lxgks) were included in the Ager Occupatorius. Such land as was restored to those who had lost it by conquest, was called Redditus. The Ager Occupatorius was also called Ager Arcifinius orAreifinalis, so denominated "ab arcendis hostibus " (p. 38. ed. Goes.). But the terms Ager Arcifinius and Occupatorius do not appear to be exactly equivalent, though some of the writers on the Res Agraria make them so. Ager Arcifinius appears to express the whole of a territory, which had only some natural or arbitrary boundary, and was not denned by measurement {qui nulla mensura continetur; Frontinus.) Such were tbe scattered portions of the Roman Ager Publicus. The Ager Occupatorius might signify so much of the public land included in tbe Arcifinius as was held by possessors (occupattu), or, as Niebuhr explains it, the term Occupatorius was confined to the public land, strictly so caUed, and designated tbe tenure under which it Ms held.

Frontinus divides lands into three heads (qualt

tates) : Ager Divisas et Assignatus ; A per mensura compreheusus ; Ager Arcifinius. He defines the Arcifinius, as above statid. The After mt-nsura compreheusus appears to signify a tract, of which the limits were denned by measurement, winch was given in the mass to some community (rujus modus umirenms rrrtru/i eaf ossij/motus), of which he mentions two example.

Ager Dirisus et Assignatus was public land that mas assigned or granted to private persons. The verb rftru/o, or some form of it, is used by Liry (iv. 61, v. 30) to express the distribution of tho land. The word ossitno indicates the fixing of the signa or boundaries. Ager Quacniorius was public land, which was sold by the quaestors (pa, 2, 14, ed. Goes.), in square patches, rath side of which was the length of ten linear actus: the squara consequently contained 100 quadrati actus or fifty jugera.

Ager Limitatus was public land marked out by limites for tbe purpose of assignment to colooi or others. The limites were drawn with reference to the heavens (p. 150, ed. Goes.) ; and this mode of dividing the land was founded on the old Etruscan doctrine, for the Etruscans divided the earth into parts, following the course of the sun by drawing a line from east to west, and another from south to north. This was the foundation of the limites of a tern plum, a term which means the celestial vault, and also so much of the earth's surface as the augur could comprehend in his view. This was the foundation of the Roman Limilatio of land. A line (limes) was drawn through a given point from east to west, which was called the I>ecumanus, originally Duocimanua * (according to Hyginus), because it divides the earth into two parts: another line was drawn from south to north, which was called Cardo, " a mundi car dine." The length of these two chief limites would be determined by the limits of the land which was to be divided. The points from which the two chief limites were drawn varied according to circumstances. Those which were parallel to the Decumanns were Prorsi, direct ; those which were parallel to the Cardo were Transvcrsi, transverse. The limes was therefore a term applied to a boundary belonging to a tract of land, and the centuriae included in it, and is different from finis, which is the limit of any particular property. The Decuman i, Cardines, and other limites of a district form an unchangeable kind of network in the midst of the changeable properties which have their several fines (Rudorff ). The distance at which the limites were to be drawn, would depend on the magnitude of the squares or centuriae, as they were called, into which it was proposed to divide the tract Tbe whole tract might not be square: sometimes the Decumani Limites would be only half as long as the Cardines (p. 154. ed. Goes.). Every sixth limes, reckoning from the Decumanus and including it, was wider than the intermediate limites, and these wider limites served as roads, but they were not included under the term of Viae Publicae, though a limes and a via publica might sometimes coincide. (Hyginus, ed. Goes. p. 163k) The narrower limites were called Lincarii in the provinces, but in Italy

* Duocimanus, according to Hyginus, was changed into Decimanus ; " Decumanus,'1 says Niebuhr, M

probably from making the figure of a cross, which resembles the numeral X, like decussatus." Neither explanation is satisfactory.

they were called Subruncivi. The limites parallel to the cardo were drawn in the same way.

The Roman measure of length used for land was the actus of 120 feet: the square actus was 14,400 square feet; and a juger or jugerum was two actus quadrati. The word centuria properly means a hundred of any thing. The reason of the term centuria being applied to these divisions may be, that the plebeian centuries contained 100 actus, which is SO jugera, the amount contained in the portions put up to sale by the quaestors : but Siculus Flaccus (p. 15, ed. Goes.) gives a different account. The centuria sometimes contained 200 jugera, and in later periods 240 and 400. This division into centuriae only comprehended the cultivable land. When a colony was founded or a tract of land was divided, that part which did not consist of arable land was the common property of the colony or settlement j and was used as pasture. Such tracts appear to be the Compascuus Ager of the Lex Thoria (c. 4, &c). The land that was thus limited, would often have an irregular boundary, and thus many centuries would be incomplete. Such pieces were called Subseciva, and were sometimes granted to the colony or community, and sometimes reserved to the state. That such portions existed in some quantity in Italy is shown by the fact of Vespasian and Titus making sales of them, and Domitian is said to have restored them to the possessors.

A plan of each tract of limited land was engraved on metal (aes), and deposited in the tabularium. This plan (forma) showed all the limites or centuriae, and was a permanent record of the original limitation. Descriptions also accompanied the plan, which mentioned the portions that belonged to different individuals, and other particulars. (Siculus Flaccus, De Divis. et Atsig. ed. Goes., p. 16 ; and the passages collected by Brissonius, Select, ex Jut. CiviL iii. c. 5.) Some of these records, which belong to an early period of Roman history, are mentioned by Siculus Flaccus, as existing when he wrote (p. 24. ed. Goes.). These registered plans were the best evidence of the original division of the lands, and if disputes could not be settled otherwise, it was necessary to refer to them.

As to the marks by which boundaries were distinguished, they were different in the case of Ager Arcifinius and Ager Limitatus. In the case of Ager Arcinnius, the boundaries were either natural or artificial, as mountain ridges, roads, water sheds, rocks, hills, ramparts of earth, walls of rubble, and an forth: rivers, brooks, ditches and water conduits were also used as boundaries. Marks were also made on rocks, and trees were planted for this purpose, or were left standing (arbores intactae, antemissae). Trees were often marked: those which were the common property of two landowners were marked on both sides ; and those which belonged to a single proprietor were marked on the side which was turned from the proprietor's land (arbores insignes, signatae, notatae). By cutting off a piece of the bark, a scar would be formed which would answer as A signum. In angles, such as a trifinium or quadrilinium, more special boundary marks were used, for instance, at a trifinium three trees would be planted. Taps, or pieces of wood, lead and iron, were also inserted in trees to point to some pieoe of water as the nearest boundary.

The Ager Limitatus was marked in a different way by boundary stones and posts, not by natural

barriers. The boundaries of the territory were marked by termini, which received their names under the empire from the emperor who gave the commission for partitioning the laud. Accordingly, we find the expressions Lapides Augustales, Tiberiani, and so forth, mentioned as the termini fixed by these emperors for the boundaries of the colonies which they founded. The Termini Territoriales marked the limits of the district, the Pleurici ran parallel to the Decumani and Cardines. the Actuarii Centuriales were at the angles of the centuriae, the Epipedonici in the centre of the centuriae, the Proportionales at the beginning and end of the jugera. The boundaries of a property were also marked by termini; and the owner of a property might place termini within it to mark the pieces into which he divided it for his children.

The termini were either posts of wood or stones. In the colonies of Augustus, the boundaries of the centuriae were marked by stones ; those of the several allotments by oak posts (termini robusti, pali roborei.) Sometimes pali actuarii are mentioned, from which it appears that the boundaries of the centuriae were sometimes determined by wooden posts. The stones used in a particular limitatio were of the same kind and colour in order to make them more useful as boundary stones. The stones were either polished (politi, dolati) or rough hewn (taxati a ferro), or in their entire rough state. The size varied from half a foot to two and a half feet, and the larger might sometimes be mistaken by ignorant people for mile stones. The form of the stones also varied, as we see from the representations contained of them in the MSS. of the Agrimensores. The number of angles varied in those which were angular: some were cylindrical, some pointed, others of a pyramidal form. The head stones at the beginning and end of a boundary were more conspicuous than those which lay between them. Inscriptions and marks were also put on the termini. The termini on the boundaries of the limited land have often considerable inscriptions ; the ceuturial and plcurite termini give the number of the century and the name of the limes. Various kinds of marks were also devised to facilitate the ascertaining of boundaries without the trouble of referring to the plan.

These precautions were not alL A stone might be removed and a boundary might thus become uncertain. It was accordingly the practice to bury something under the stone that was not perishable, as bones, embers and ashes from the offering made at the time when the stone was set up. Small coins were also put under it, and fragments of glass, pottery, and the like, which would serve to determine the place of the stone. The same practice is enjoined bythe laws of Manu (viii. 249,250,251), a fact noticed by Bureau de la Malle. On the introduction of Christianity, the practice of making such offerings was discontinued, and this kind of evidence was lost Under the old religion it was also the practice to traverse the boundaries at the terminalia, in the month of February. In the case of the territorial boundaries, this was done by the whole community ; and pursuant to this old custom, the boundaries of the original territory of Rome, six miles from the city, were traversed at the terminalia. Private persons also examined their boundaries at the terminalia, and the usual offerings were made. The parish perambulations and other perambula

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N'iebohr conjectures TM that a fundus assigned by the state was considered as one entire farm, as a whale, the limits of which could not be changed.n But be adds, This did not preclude the division of estates, nor even the sale of duodecimal parts of them;" and further, ** The sale or transfer of them, when the whole was not alienated, was in parts according to the duodecimal scale." But to this it is replied by Dureau de la Malle, that when there were fire, seven or nine beredes, there must be a fractional division. A fundus generally had a particular name which was not changed, and it is stated that both in Italy and France many of these properties still have Roman names. But the fact of a fundus generally having a name, and the fact of the name being often preserved, does not prove that iU fundi retained their original limits according to Roman usage ; nor does the fact, that there were sometimes two, sometimes three owners of one fundus (Dig. 10. tit. 1. a. 4.), prove thst a fundus never had its limits changed, while it disproves Niebuhr's assertion as to duodecimal parts, unless the halves and thirds were made up of duodecimal parts, which cannot be proved. It seems probable enough, that an original fundus would often retain its Limits unchanged for centuries. But it is certain that the bounds (fines) of private properties often changed. Rudorff remarks: "The boundary of a property is changeable. It may by purchase, exchange, and other alienation, be pushed further, and be carried back." The localities of the great Cardines, Decuman i, and other Limitea, at the same writer has been already quoted to show, are unchangeable.

Tbe difficulty of handling this subject is very great, owing to the corrupted text of the writers on the Res Agraria. The latest edition of these writers is by Goesius, Amsterdam, 1674. Anew and corrected edition of these writers with a suitable commentary would be a valuable contribution to oar knowledge of the Roman land system, (Rei Agrariae Awtom, ed. Goes.; Rudorff, ZeiUckrift fur GeadaekL. Recktm. Ueber die Granzscheidimgskbge. vol. x. ; Niebuhr, vol. ii. appendix 1 ; Dureau de la Malle, Economic Politique det Romains, vol. ii. pi 66. &c) (G.L.)

AGER SANCTUS: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (rvusros). For an account of the lands in Greece devoted to the service of Tehknos: for an account of those , tee Sacibdos.

AGETCRIA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (oTwropio.) (cabnxia.)

AGGER: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). Qrwua), from ad and pern, was used in general for a heap or mound of any kind which might be made of stones, wood, earth or any other substance. It was more particularly applied to a mound, osuaJ/v composed of earth, which was raised 1 a besieged town, and which was gradually breadth anil height, till it equalled or overtopped the walla. Hence we find the expresoppugnare, agtjert oppidum

engert ; and the making of the agger it expressed by the verbs assfnwrr, comMti tir, jticere,facer*. Ar. Some of these oourre were gigantic works, flanked fend the workmen and soldiers, by parapets, behind which the soldiers could discharge missiles upon the besieged towns. At the siege of Avaricum, Caesar raised in twenty-five days an agger 330 feet broad, and 80 feet high. (/<. (1. vii. 24.) As the agger was sometimes made of wood, hurdles, and similar materials, we sometimes read of its being set on fin. (Liv. xxxvi 23 ; Cars. R. a. viL 24, B. C. ii 14, 15.) The word sgger was also spplied to tho earthen wall surrounding a Roman encampment, composed of the earth dug from the ditch ( futmi), which was usually nine feet broad and seven feet deep ; but if any attack was apprehended, the depth was increased to twelve feet, and the breadth to thirteen feet. Sharp stakes, Ac, were usually fixed upon the agger, which was then called raJlmm. When both words are used (as in Caesar, B. tl. vii. 72, agijer ae ra/uos), the sgger means the mound of earth ; and the vallum the sharp stakes (ratfi), which were fixed upon the agger.

At Rome, the formidable rampart erected by Servius Tullius to protect the western side of Rome was called agger. It extended from the further extremity of the Quirinal to that of the Esquiline. It was fifty feet broad, having a wall on the top, defended by towers, and beneath it was a ditch a hundred feet wide and thirty feet deep. (t ie. He Rep. ii 6 ; Dionys. ix. 68.) Pliny (//. Ar. iii. 5. a. 9) attributes the erection of this rampart to Tarquinius Superbus, but this it in opposition to ali the other ancient writers who speak of the matter.

AGITATC/RES: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (Cmcua.)

AGMEN: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (Exutcrrca.)

AQNATI: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (coonati.)

AGNO'MEN: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (nohv.)

AGONA'LIA, or AGO'NIA: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (Ov. Fast. v. 721), one of the most ancient festivals at Rome, celebrated several timet in the year. Its institution, like that of other religious rites and ceremonies, was attributed to Numa Pompilius. (Mscrob. Saturn. L 4.) We learn from the ancient calendars that it was celebrated on the three following days, the 9th of January, the 21st of Mar, and the 11th of December (a.d. V. Id. ./.Ml. Kal. Jim.; III. Id. Dee.); to which we should probably add the 17th of March (a. d. X V I Kal. Apr.), the day on which the Liberalia was celebrated, since this festival is also called Agonia or Agcmium Martiale. (Varr. L. vi. 14, ed. Muller; Macrob. '. f. ; Kalendarium Vaticanum.) The object of this festival was a disputed point among the ancients themselves ; but as Hartung has observed (Die Religion der Romer, vol ii. p 33), when it is recollected that the victim which was offered was a ram, that the person who offered it was th« rex sacrinculus, and that the place where it was offered was the regia (Var. L. L. vi. 12; Ov. Faet. i. 333 ; Feat ... v. Agrmium), we shall not have much difficulty in understanding the significance of this festival. The ram was the usual victim presented to the guardian gods of the state, and the rex sacrificulus and the regia could be cmployed only for such ceremonies as were connected with the highest gods and affected the weal of the whole state. Regarding the sacrifice in this light, we see a reason for its being offered tCTeral times in the year.

The etymology of the name was also a subject of much dispute among the ancients ; and the various etymologies that were proposed are given at length ny Ovid. (Fast. i. 319—332.) None of these, however, are at all satisfactory j and we would therefore suggest another. It is well known that the Quirinal hill was originally called Agonus, and the Colline gate Agoncnsis. (Fost. ». rr. Agonium,Quirinalis; corap. Dionys. ii. 37.) What is then more likely than that this sacrifice should have been originally offered on this hill, and should thence have received the name of Agonalia ? It is expressly stated that the sacrifice was offered in the regia, or the domus regis, which in the historical times was situated at the top of the sacra via, near the arch of Titus (Becker, Handbuch d. Worn. Alterth. vol. i. pp. 237, 238) ; but in the earliest times the regia is stated by an ancient writer to have been upon the Quirinal (Solin. i. 21), and this statement seems to render our supposition almost certain. (Classical Museum, vol. iv. pp. 154— 157.)

The Circus Agoncnsis, as it is called, is supposed by many modern writers to have occupied the place of the present Piazza Navona, and to have been built by the emperor Alexander Severus on the spot where the victims were sacrificed at the Agonalia. Docker (Ibid. pp. 668—670) has however brought forward good reasons for questioning whether this was a circus at all, and has shown that there is no authority whatever for giving it the name of circus Agoncnsis.

AGO'NES: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (iyuvts), the general term among the Greeks for the contests at their great national games. (ckrta.mina.) The word was also used to signify law-suits, and was especially employed in the phrase iyiyts Tt/irrrot and a>f/iirroi. (TlMKMA.)

AGONO'THETAE: (Mit. Gr. y Rom.). (iyuvoBcTai), were persons, in the Grecian games, who decided disputes and adjudged the prizes to the victors. Originally, the person who instituted the contest and offered the prize was the agonothetes, and this continued to be the practice in those games which were instituted by kings or private persons. But in the great public games, such as the Isthmian, Pythian, &c, the agonotlictae were either the representatives of different states, as the Amphictyons at the Pythian games, or were chosen from the people in whose country the games were celebrated. During the flourishing times of the Grecian republics, the Eleians were the agonothetae in the Olympic games, the Corinthians in the Isthmian games, the Amphictyons in the Pythian games, and the Corinthians, Argives, anil inhabitants of Cleonac in the Nemacan games. The o/YUKofleVai were also called altTv^yrjTai, aywvdpxat, iywvoS'iKat, ad\o6(rai, paSSovxoi or SaSSov6iwi (from the staff they carried as an emblem of authority), PpaGtis, fipaSfvrai.

AGORA (iyopi), properly means an assembly of any nature, and is usually employed by Homer for the general assembly of the people. The agora seems to have been considered an essential part in the constitution of the early Grecian states, since the barbarity and uncivilised condition of the Cyclops is characterised by their wanting such an assembly. (Horn. Od. ix. 112.) The agora, though usually convoked by the king, appears to have been also summoned at times by some distinguished chieftain, as for example, by Achilles before Troy.

(Horn. 77. L 54.) The king occupied the most important seat in these assemblies, and near him sat the nobles, while the people sat in a circle around them. The power and rights of the people in these assemblies have been the subject of much dispute. Platner, Tittman, and more recently Nitzsch in his commentary on the Odyssey, maintain that the people was allowed to speak and vote ; while MUUer (Dor. iii. I. § 3), who is followed by Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 91), maintains that the nobles were the only persons who proposed measures, deliberated, and voted, and that the people was only present to hear the debate, and to express its feeling as a body ; which expressions might then be noticed by a prince of a mild disposition. The latter view of the question is confirmed by the fact, that in no passage in the Odyssey is any of the people represented as taking part in the discussion ; while, in the Iliad, Ulysses inflicts personal chastisement upon Thersites, for presuming to attack the nobles in the atiora. (II. ii. 211—277.) The people appear to have been only called together to hear what had been already agreed upon in the council of the nobles, which is called 0oba.t| (//. ii. 53, Tj. )14) yipovrts $ov\f\rral), and Sdeoicoi (Od. ii. 26), and sometimes even iyopi (Od. ix. 112; iyopal @ovxt)tpdpoi). Justice was administered in the agora by the king or chiefs (Hes. Tkeog. 85 ; Horn. It. xviii. 497,&c Od. xii. 439),but the people had no share in its administration, and the agora served merely the purpose of publicity. The common phrases used in reference to the agora are (is iyopijy Ka\4civ ; iyop^y woutaOai, rlOto-Bat • tis rity iyopV uoiivai, iyftptoDai, &c. (Wachsmuth, Ilellen. Altertimmsk. vol. i. p. 346, 2d ed. ; Hermann, Lehrbuch. d. Griech. Staatsalt. § 55 ; Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. it pp. 91 — 101.)

Among the Athenians, the proper name for the assembly of the people was iKKXyaia, and among the Dorians aAla. The term agora was confined at Athens to the assemblies of the phylae and demi. (Aesch. c. Cies. § 27. p. 50. 37 ; Schomann, De Camitiis Athen. p. 27, Antiq. Jur. PuU. Grace. pp. 203,205 ; Bockh, Corp. Inscrip. vol. i. p. 125.) In Crete the original name iyopi continued to be applied to the popular assemblies till a late period. (Bckker, Anecdot. vol. i. p. 210.)

A'GORA (iyopi), was the place of public assembly in a Greek city, both for traffic, and for the transaction of all public business. It answ< rs to the Roman forum ; and, in fact, it is impossible to keep these two subjects entirely separate.

In the earliest times, the Agora was merely an open piece of ground, which was generally in front of the royal palace, and, in sea-port towns, close to the harbour. The Agora of Troy was in the citadel. Here, the chiefs met in council, and sat in judgment, and the people assembled to witness athletic games. It was evidently also the place of traffic and of general intercourse : in one passage of Homer, we have a lively picture of the idlers who frequented it. It was enclosed with large stones sunk into the earth, and scats of marble were placed in it for the chiefs to sit in judgment, and it was hallowed by the shrine of one or more divinities. In the Agora which Homer particularly describes, — that of the Phaeacians, — there was a temple of Poseidon. (Horn. II. ii. 788, vii. 345, 346, xviii. 497—506, Od. vi. 263—285, viii. 16, 109, xvi. 361.)



Oat of this simple arrangement arose the magidacent ajopal of later times, which consisted of as open space, enclosed by divided into separate parts for the tioas which were pursued in it, statues, altars, and temples, and built with edifices far the transaction of pntate business, and for the administration of justice.

Our information ruber scanty. The chief authorities are Pa manias and Vitrorins. The existing ruins are in such a state as to give us a very little help.

We hare, first of all, in this, as in other departments of architecture, to distinguish the ancient style from that introduced by the Greeks of Ionia after the Persian war, and more especially W Hippodamus of Miletus ( see Diet, of Biog. $. c. ), whose connection with the building of Ayopai of a new form is marked by the name 'Iwxo5au.ua, which was applied to the Agora in the Peiraeus. (Harpoer. s.e. 'IsnroSc^cia.) The general character of the Greek ayopd is thus described by Vitro-, in* (t. 1); — ** The Greeks arrange their fora in a square form, with very wide double colonnades, and adorn them with columns set near one another and with stone or marble entablatures, and they make walks in the upper stories.**

Among the ayoptd described by Pausaniaa, that •>f the Eletans is mentioned by him (vi. 24) as heiog ** not on the same plan as those of the Ionian* and the Greek cities adjoining Ionia, hut it is built in the more ancient fashion, with porticoes separated from one another, and streets between them. But the name of the Agora in our days is If'ppodrowto*, and the people of the country exercise their horses there. But of the porticoes, the one towards the south is of the Dorian style of work, and the pillars divide it into three parts (in

this the ilcUanodicae generally pass the day) : but against these (pillars) they place altars to Zeus ... To one going along this portico, into the Agura, there lies on the left, along the further u'de of this portico, the dwelling of the llellartodicae (6 'EAAoroSurswr) : and there is a street which divides it from the Agura . .. And near the portico where the HelUnodicae pass the day, it another portico, there being one street between them: this the Eleians call the Corcyraean portico** (because it was built from the tithe of spiil taken from the Carcyraeans in war). ** But the style of the portico is Dorian and double, having columns on the one side towards the Agura, and on the other side towards the parts beyond the Airora : and along the middle of it is a wall, which thus supports the roof: and images are placed on both sides against the wall.'* lie then proceeds to mention the ornaments of the Agora, namely, the statue of the philosopher Pyrrhon ; the temple and statue of Apollo Acesius ; the statues of the Sun and Moon ; the temple of the Graces, with their wooden statues, of which the dress was gilt, and the hands and feet were of white marble ; the temple of Seilenos, dedicated to him alone, and not in common with Dionysus; and a monumental shrine, of peculiar form, without walls, but with oak pillars supporting the roof, which was reported to be the monument of Oxylus. The Agora also contained the dwelling of the sixteen females, who wove in it the sacred robe for Hera. It is worthy of remark that several of these details confirm the high antiquity which Pausaniaa assigns to this Agora.

Hirt has drawn out the following plan from the description of Pausaniaa. (GetcAtcJU* der tUmkunst ba dot AUe*, Tat xxL fig. A.) We give it, not as feeling satisfied of its complete accuracy, but eful cor

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A, the chief open space of the agora, called, in the time of Pansanias, kippodromiu : a, colonnades separated by streets, 4: a, the Stoa in which the Hellanodicae sat, dirided from the Agora by a street o: c, the home of the Hellanodicae: the 1 bolus: D, the Corcyraean Stoa, composed of two parts, c looking into the Agora, and d looking away from it; K, gt k, small temples : /, statues of the Sub and Moon: i, monument of Oxylus: t, house of the sixteen women. In this Agora the Stoa, B, answers to the later iatilica, and the bouMe c, to the jrrytuneimm in other

Greek leyoptd. With respect to the other parts, it is pretty evident that the chief open space, A, which Pansanias calls rh twmBpoir rijt iyopat, was deroted to public assemblies and exercise, and the OToat (a), with their intervening streets (A), to private business and traffic. Hirt traces a resemblance of form between the Kleian agora and the Forum of Trajan. It is evident that the words of Vitmvius, above quoted, refer to the more modem, or Ionian form of the Agora, as represented in the following plan, which is also taken from Hirt {Getckichte der Dauhtnrt, xxi. fig. I) : —

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also used as a treasury : D, the Basilica, or court of justice : R, the T hoi us, in connection with the other rooms of the Prytaneium, c, d.

The cut below, which is also from Hirt, represents a section of the Agora made along the dotted line on the plan.

We gain further information respecting the buildings connected with the Agora, and the works of art with which it was adorned, chiefly from the statements of Pausania* respecting those of particular cities, such as Athens (i. 5. § 2), Thebes (ix. 17. § 1), Sicvon (iL 7. § 7, 9. § 6), Argos (ii. 21), Sparta (hi. II), Tegea (viii. 47. § 3), Megalopolis (viii. 30. § 2), to which passages the reader is referred for the details. The buildings mentioned in connection with the Agora are: — 1. Temples of the gods and shrines of heroes (tsmPlum), besides altars and statues of divinities. The epithet iyopcuo* is often applied to a divinity who was thus worshipped in the Agora (Paus. //. or. ; Aesch. Eumetu 976 ; Soph, Oed. I > ■. 161, where mention is made of the circular throne of Artemis in the Agora), and Aeschylus expressly refers to the deo! ieyopas diruricfaoi (Sept, c. Tkeb. 271,272). 2. The Senate-house (3oi/AfuT^piop), and other places for the meetings of the governing bodies, according to the constitution of the

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particular state: in the Agora at Sparta, for example, there were the senate-house of the Gerontes and the places of meeting of the Ephori, the Nomophylaces, and the Bidiaei. 3. The residence of the magistrates for the time being (prytanrium). 4. Courts of justice (basilica). 5. The public treasury (thesaurus). 6. The prison (carcer). 7. The police station, if such a term may be applied to an ancient Agora. At Athens, for example, the station of the thousand Scythian bowmen, who formed the police force of the state, was in the middle of the Agora : this does not, however, seem to have been a permanent building, but only a number of tents. 8. Buildings used for the regulation of the standards of measure, and so forth ; such as the building vulgarly called the Temple of the Winds at Athens (horologium), and the Milliarium Aurcum at Rome, which seems to have been imitated from a similar standard at Athens (milliarium). To these various buildings must be added the works of art, with which the open area and the porticoes of the Agora were adorned ; which were chiefly in celebration of gods and heroes who figured in the mythology, of men who had deserved well of the state, of victories and other memorable events, besides those which obtained a place there purely by their merits as master-pieces of art. As a specimen we may take the Agora at Athens, a portico of which, thence called the O*to& Tockiatj, was adorned with the paintings of Polygnotus, Micon, and others,

and in which also stood the statues of the ton heroes (opxv>'*TCU)» after whom the Phylae of Cleisthenes were named, of Solon, of Harmodius, and Aristogeiton, of the orator Lycurgus, and of very many others. It was customary also to build new porticoes out of the spoils taken in great wars, as examples of which we have the Corcyraean portico at Elis, mentioned above, and the Persian portico at Sparta.

The open area of the Agora was originally the place of public assembly for all purposes, and of general resort. Its use for political purposes is described in the preceding article. Here also were celebrated the public festivals. At Sparta, the part of the Agora in which stood the statues of Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, was called x*V°S because the choruses of the Kphebi performed their dances there at the festival of the Gymnopaedia. (Paus. iii. 9.) Lastly, it was the place of social and fashionable resort. At Athens, fashionable loungers were called &,ydXfiaTa ayopas.

Originally the Agora was also the market, and was surrounded with shops, as shown in the above plan. As commerce increased, it was found convenient to separate the traffic from the other kinds of business carried on in the Agora, and to assign to each its distinct place, though this was by no means universally the case. The market, whether identical with, or separate from the Agora for political and other assemblies, was divided into parts for the different sorts of merchandise, each of course furnished with colonnades, which the climate rendered necessary, and portly with shops and itails, partly with temporary booths of wickerwork {ffjcrj rai, Harpocr. x. r. ffWiiriTijs ; Demosth. •it Cor. p. 294). Each of these ports was called a K Vcacs. )t is generally stated that this term was applied only to that division of the market where meet, fish, and such things were sold ; but Becker has shown that it was used also for other parts of the market (OariHa, Tol L pp. 268, 269). The several divisions of the market were named according to the articles exposed for sale in them. (Pott. ii. 47, x. 19.) Of these divisions, the following were the most important.

The part in which fish and other delicacies for the table were exposed to sale was called <x#' £yo», or ixduowwAjs 07000% and was the chief centre of business. It was open only for a limited time, the signal for commencing business being riven by the sound of a bell, which was obeyed with an eagerness that is more than once pleasantly referred to by the ancient writers. (Plutarch, Sympo*. iv. 4,2 ; Strab. xiv. p. 658.) The coarseness and impositions of the nshsellers, and the attempts of purchasers to beat them down, are frequently aDnded to by the comic poets. (Amphia, op. Ath, vi. p. 2*24, e. ; Alexis, ibid. ; Xenarch. ibid. p. 225, c; Alexis, ibid. p. 226, a, b.; comp. Plat. leg. xi. p- 917.) It is not quite clear whether meat, poaitry, and so forth, were sold in the same place as the nsh, or had a separate division of the market assigned to them. Bread was partly sold in the assigned place in the market, which was perhaps the same as the meal- market (to 4A<f>iTa . and partly carried round for sale: the sellers were generally women, and were proverbially abusive. (Aristoph. Ran. 857, Vetp. 1389.) In another part of the market, called pvpiirai, were the women who sold garlands of myrtle and flowers for festivals and parties. (Plut. A rut. 6 ; Aristoph. Them. 448, 457.) Near these, probablv, were the sellers of ribands and fillets for the "head. (Demosth. in EM. p. I30H.) The wholesale traffic in wine, as distinct from the business of the tcaxijAos (cacpo), was carried on in the market, the wine being brought in from the country in carts, from which it was transferred to amphorae: the process is represented in two pictures at Pompeii. (Alexis, op. Ath, x. p. 431, e.; .if a*. Borbon. vol. iv. Relax, d. Sea v. A., and vol. v. p. 48.) (amphora.) The market for pottery was called x^*7*o* ; and must not be confounded with the place where cooks sat and offered themselves for hire, with their cooking utensils: this latter place was called pur-ftipua. (Poll ix. 48 ; Alexis, ap. Ath.. iv. p. 164, £) In short, every kind of necessary or luxury was exposed for sale in its assigned place. Thus, we mid, besides those already mentioned, the market for onions (to np6p.ua), for garlkk (to trmipoSa), for nuts (to xapva), for apples (to /ujAa), for fresh cheese (4 x^"phr rvpis), for oil (ToCXator), for perfumes and unguents (to ot'po), for frankincense (o \i€avttr6t), for spices (to ip&para), for couches (ol (tXlvoi), for new and old clothes (iyopi ipariiraKis, or (nmpoiraAit, Po!L vii T8), for books ($tS\io&t)Kn), and for slaves (to irSp&rota, PoIL x. 19). Lastly, a part of tie market was devoted to the money- changers (rpar((!raiX (Argent-aril) Mention is somefins made of the women's market, •ywoiitWa typa\ a term which has given rise to much doubt.

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lfl.) The common explanation is, that it was the part of the market to which women resorted to purchase what they wanted for household uses. But it appears clearly that purchases were seldom made in the market by women, and never by free women. The only plausible explanation is, either that a distinct jart of the market was assigned to those commodities, the sellers of which were women, such as the asTera&JOff, AsoifovwAiosf, i<rxaoo*«iA.io»*, art. $arors<Ait«f, and others, or else that the term was applied to that part of the market whenarticles for the use of women were sold. But the matter is altogether doubtful. The above list of commodities, sold in the respective divisions of the market, might be still further extended. Indeed, with reference to the Athenian market, to which the description chiefly applies, there can be no doubt that every article of home produce or of foreign commerce from the known world was there exposed for sale. (See Thuc ii. 18 ; Xen. Cfceea. Ath. it 7 ; Isocr. Paneg. 64 j Ath. xiv. p.640, b,c)

It is not to be supposed, however, that the sale of these varions articles was confined to the market. Frequent mention is made of shops in other parts of the city (e. g. Thuc viiL 95), and some articles, such as salt fish, seem to have been sold outside the gates. (Aristoph. Equit. 1246.)

The time during which the market was frequented was the forenoon ; but it is difficult to determine precisely how much of the forenoon is denoted by the common phrases »A^flowo*o 07000, vfpl nK-hBovfJav iyttpav, rKnOwpn 070001. (Herod. ii. 173, vii. 223.) Suidas (>. v.) explains vA^owro 07004 as &pa rpirn, but elsewhere (*.©. wtpl wKr)0. 07.) he says that it was either the fourth, or fifth, or sixth boor. We might infer tlint the whole period thus designated was from nine to twelve o'clock (equinoctial time) ; but Herodotus, in two passages (ill 104, iv. 1K1) makes a distinction lietween wArjeove-a 0700a and pt<n)p*pla. (Comp. Liban. Ep. 1084.) The time of the conclusion of the market was called 070001 SidAwrtt (Herod, iii. 104, comp. Xenoph. Oeeon. 12, 1 ; and for a further discussion respecting the time of the full market, see Duker, ad Thuc. viiL 92 ; Wesseling, ad DiotL Sic xiii. 48 ; Perixon. ad Arliam, V. H. xii. 30 ; Oesner and Reix, ad Lucian. Phitnpt. II, vol.

iii. p. 38 ; Bahr, ad Herod, ii. 173.) During these hours the market was a place not only of traffic but of general resort. Thus Socrates hnbitually frequented it as one of the places where he had tfie opportunity of conversing with the greatest numln-r of persons. (Xen. Afera. i. 1. § 10 ; Plat. ApoL p. 17.) It was also frequented in other parts of the day, especially in the evening, when many persons might be seen walking about or resting upon seats placed under the colonnades. (Demosth. in Con. p. 1258; Pscudo-Plut. Vit. X. Or. p. 849, d. ; Lucian. J up. Trag. 16, vol. ii. p. fi(iO.) Even the shops themselves, not only those of the barbers, the perfumers, and the doctors, but even those of the leather-sellers and the harness-makers, were common places of resort for conversation ; and it was even esteemed discreditable to avoid them alto, gether. (Aristoph. Plut. 337, Av. 1439 ; Xen. Mem. iv. 2. § 1 ; Lysias, in Panel pp. 730, 732, de InvaL p. 754 ; Demosth. in A ristog. p. 786.)

The persons who carried on traffic in the market were the country people (07000101), who brought in their commodities into the city, and the retail dealers (udirnKoi) who exposed the goods purchased of the former, or of producers of any kind (ttiroiraiAai), or of foreign merchants (Jfuropoi), for sale in the markets. (Plat de Repub. iL p. 371 i Xen. Mem. iii. 7. § 6; Pint And. 8 ; Caupo.) A certain degree of disgrace was attached to the occupation of a retail dealer, though at Athens there were positive enactments to the contrary. (Andoc. de Myst. p. 68 ; Aristot de Repub. i. 10, iii. 5 ; Plat Leg. xl pp. 918, 919 ; Diog. Lncrt. i. 104, be. 66 ; Aristoph. Eq. 181; Demosth. c. Eubul. 30, p. 1303.) There is an interesting but very difficult question as to the effect which the occupation of selling in the market had upon the social position of women who engaged in it (Demosth. iii Neaer. p. 1367 ; Lys. in Theomn. p. 361 ; Plut SoL 23; Harpocr. and Suid. s.v. n«A«3o*i; Becker, Charildes, vol. i. pp. 260—266.) The wholesale dealers also sold their goods by means of a sample (tt! yp.a), either in the market, or in the place called Scty/ia, attached to the port. (Harpocr. «. r. StTyua ; Poll. ix. 34 ; Plut Demosth. 23 ; Plat Leg. vii. p. 788 ; Diphil. ap.Ath.xi. p. 499, e. j Bockh, Earn, of Ath. p. 58, 2d ed.) The retail dealers either exposed their goods for sale in their shops, or hawked them about (Aristoph. Acharn. 33; Plut Apophth. Loam. 62, p. 236.) The privilcge of freely selling in the market belonged to the citizens : foreigners had to pay a toll. (Demosth. in EM. p. 1308 ; Bockh, Earn, of Ath. p. 313.)

Most citizens cither made their own purchases in the market (Aeschin. c Timarch. p. 87; Aristoph. Lysislr. 555—559), or employed a slave, who was called, from his office, i-yopacrrfc (Xen. Mem. i. 5. § 2 ; comp. Ath. iv. p. 171 ; Poll. iii. 126 ; Terent Andr. ii. 2. 31.) Sometimes female slaves performed this office (Lysias, de Caed. Eratostli. p. 18, comp. p. 11), but such an appearance in public was not permitted to any free woman, except a courtezan (Machon, ap. Ath. xiii. p. 580.) The philosopher Lynceus, of Samoa, wrote a book for the guidance of purchasers in the market (Ath. vi. p. 228.) It was esteemed disreputable for people to carry home their purchases from the markets, and there were therefore porters in attendance for that purpose, who were called irpotiveiKot, iratiapttoyts, and TaiHuvts. (Theophrast Char. xvii.—xxii.; Hesych. j. v. trpoivturn.) The preservation of order in the market was the office of the Aooranomi.

Both the architectural details of the Agora and the uses of its several parts might be further illustrated by the remains of the ayopd or ayopal (for it is even doubtful whether there were two or only one) at Athens ; but this would lead us too far into topographical details. This part of the subject is fully discussed in the following works: Leake, Topography of Athens; Krause, Hellas, vol. ii ; Mullcr, in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopadie, art. Attica; Hirt, Lelire d. Gebaude, ch. v. supp. 1 ; Wachsmuth, Hclien. Alterthumsk. vol. i. supp. 6, b, 2d ed.

For the whole subject the chief modem authorities are the following : — Hirt, Lelire d. Geb'dude d. Griechen und Romern, ch. v. ; Stieglitz, ArcliaoL d. Baulcunst; Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alterthum/Jmnde; Bockh, Public Oeeonomy of Athens; and especially Becker, Charilcles, 4th scene, vol. i. pp. 236—296, in tho original. (P.S.)

AGORA'NOMI (ayopav6uot) were public functionaries in most of the Grecian states, whose duties corresponded in many respects to those of the Roman aediles ; whence Greek writers on Roman affairs call the acdiles by this name. Under the Roman empire, the agoranomi were called Xoyurral (Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 688): they enjoyed in later times great honour and respect, and their office seems to have been regarded as one of the most honourable in the Greek states. We frequently read in inscriptions of their being rewarded with crowns, of which many instances are given by Miiller. (Aeginetica, p. 138) They were called by the Romans airatores rcipublicae. (Cod. 1. tit 54. s. 3.)

Agoranomi existed both at Sparta and Athens. Our knowledge of the Spartan agoranomi is very limited, and derived almost entirely from inscriptions. They stepped into the place of the ancient Empelori (IpwitMpoi) in the time of the Romans. They formed a collegium (owapx'a) with one at their head, called uptaSvs (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. vol. i. p. 610; and Sauppe in Rheinisches Museum, vol iv. p. 159, New Series.) The Athenian agoranomi were regular magistrates during the flourishing times of the republic. They were ten in number, five for the city and five for the Peiraeeus, and were chosen by lot, one from each tribe. (Dem. c. Timocr. p. 735 ; Aristoph. Acliarn. 689.) The reading in Harpocration (s. v. ayopaviuai), which mentions twenty agoranomi, fifteen for the city, and five for the Peiraeeus, is false. (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. vol. i. p. 337.)

The principal duty of the agoranomi was, as their name imports, to inspect the market, and to see that all the laws respecting its regulation were properly observed. They had the inspection of all things which were sold in the market, with the exception of corn, which was subject to the jurisdiction of the <riT04^w\aitfj. (sitophylacks.) The agoranomi had in fact chiefly to attend to retail-trade (icairi)Af(a) : wholesale-trade was not much carried on in the market-place, and was under the jurisdiction of the 4irifxf?cnral rov *E/iiropfou. They regulated the price and quantity of all things which were brought into the market, and punished all persons convicted of cheating, especially by false weights and measures. They had in general the power of punishing all infraction of the laws and regulations relating to the market, by inflicting a fine upon the citizens, and personal chastisement upon foreigners and slaves, for which purpose they usually carried a whip. They had the care of all the temples and fountains in the market-place, and received the tax (£micOK T4\os) which foreigners and aliens were obliged to pay for the privilege of exposing their goods for snle in the market (Schol. ad Aristoph. Acliarn. 689 ; Plat /jeg. vi. p.763, viii. p. 849, xi. pp.917, 918; Lilian. Dedam. 46 j iyopas T4\os, Aristoph. Acharn. 861, and Schol.; Phot «. v. Kara Tv ir/opin.) The public prostitutes were also subject to their regulations, as was the case at Corinth (Justin, xxi. 5.J, and they fixed the price which each prostitute was to take. (Suid. and Zonar. s. v. Bur/paw*.) The duties of the agoranomi resembled those of the astynomi. (astynomi.) (Meier, Att. Process, pp. 89—92; Bockh, PuM. Earn, of Athens, pp. 48, 333, 2nd ed.)

AGRA'PHIOU GRAPHE' (iypacilovypaxpi). The names of all persons at Athens who owed any am of money to the state (oi T$ tn^toaUf biptiXsrrij) were registered by the practores (wpdxnpti), upon tablets kept for that purpose in the temple of Athena, on the Acropolis (Dem. cAristog. i. p. 791; Harpoer. and Saidas, s. v. ▼reeVf-vpo/pri); ad hence the expression of being registered on the (iyyeypafipUvos iv 'AjcpovdAci) always

to the state. Tiacr. p. 1337.) Whoever paid his fine afterrrgistruxn was erased, either wholly or in part, secerning to the amount paid ; but if a person s name vai improperly erased, he was subject to the action fbr a-im- registration (arypoaWov -jfwp*)), which was

If an

individual was not registered, he could only be proceeded against by eVoci£tr, and was not liable to the arrpatfAav yoatpi). (Dem. in Theoer. p. 1338.) Hesrchins, whose account has been followed by Hensterhais and Wessding, appears to have been mistaken is saying that the aypcupiov -rpcupJ) could be instituted against debtors, who had not been registered. (Meier, Att. Proem, pp. 353, 354; Bodth, PuhL Earn, of A tins, pp. 388,389,2nd ed.)

AGRAPHOU METALLOU GRAPHE' (rvp&fttov perdAAov yoouph) was an action brought before the thesmothetae at Athens, against an inwithout baring pre; it. The state required that all mine: should be registered, because the twentyfoonh part of their produce was payable to the public treasury. (Bockh, PuU. Earn, of Athens, f. 664, 2nd ed.; Meier, Alt. Proem, p. 354.)

AGRARIAE LEGES. " It is not exactly true that the agrarian law of Cassius was the earliest that was so called: every law by which the commonwealth disposed of its public land, bore that name ; as, for instance, that by which the domain of the kings was parcelled out among the commonalty, and those by which colonies were planted. Even in the narrower sense of a law whereby the state exercised its ownership in rem*rring the old possessors from a part of its domain, and making over its right of property therein, such a law existed among those of Servius Tollius." (Niebuhr, Horn. Hist. vol. ii. p. 129. tranjj.)

The complete history of the enactments called agrarian laws, cither in the larger and more correct sense, or in the narrower sense of the term, as explained in this extract, would be out of place here. The particular objects of each agrarian law isrist be ascertained from its provisions. But all these numerous enactments had reference to the public land ; and many of them were passed for the purpose of settling Roman colonies in con. qaered districts, and assigning to the soldiers, who formed a large part of finch colonists, their shares m such lands. The true meaning of all or any of these enactments can only be understood when we have formed a correct notion of property in land, as recognised by Roman law. It is not necessary, in order to obtain this correct notion, to ascend to the origin of the Roman state, though if a complete history of Rome could be written, our conception of tie real character of property in land, by Roman law, would be more en

larged and more precise. But the system of Roman law, as it existed under the emperors, contained both the terms and the notions which behoved to those early a-T**. of whlch theX are tie mat faithful historical monuments. In an

inquiry of the present kind, we may begin it any point in the historical series which is definite, and we may ascend from known and intelligible notions which belong to a later age, towards their historical origin, though we may never be able to " it.

Gains (ii. 2, Ac), who probably wrote the Antonines, made two chief divisions of I

land ; that which was dirini juris, and that which was hsumani juris.. Land which was divini juris was either racer or retic/iosus. (Compare Krontinus, De lie Aararia, xiii. or p. 42. ed. Goes.) Land which was sacer was consecrated to the Dii Superi; land which was religiosus belonged to the Dii Manes. Land was made sneer by a lex or senatus consnltnm ; and, as the context shows, such land was land which had In-longed to the state (pnpmjus Itumanus). An individual could make a portion of his own land ridigiosus by tho interment in it of one of his family : but it was the better opinion that land in the primness c thus be made religiosus ; and the rrason given is this, that the ownership or projierty in provincial lands is either in the state ( no/». /Vow.) or in the Caesar, and that individuals hare only the possession and enjoyment of it (possessio ei usus fractal). Provincial lands were either stiprndiaria or trifmtaria: the stipendiaria were in those provinces which were considered to belong to the Roman state ; the tributaria wore in those provinces which were considered as the property of the Caesar. Land which was humani juris, was divided into public and private: public land lielunged to the state ; private land, to individuals.

It would seem to follow from the legal form observed in making land sacer, that it thereby erased to be publicus ; for if it still continued publicus, it had not changed its essential quality. Niebuhr (Appendix I. vol. ii.) has stated that ** all Kontnn land was either the property of the state (common land, domain), or private property, — ant r»«o/i>-*j out privatasand he adds that M the landed property of the state was either consecrated to the gods (sacer), or allotted to men to reap its fruits (profmus, humani juris)." Niebuhr then refers to the view of Gaius, who makes the division into dirini juris and humani juris, the primary division ; but he relies on the authority of Krontinus, supported by Livy (viiL 14), as evidence of the correctness of his own division.*

Though the origin of that kind of properly

* It is obvious, on comparing two passages in Krontinus (De He Agraria xi. xiii.), that Niebuhr has mistaken the meaning of the writer, vtlio clearly intends it to be inferred that the sacred land was not public land. Resides, if the meaning of Frontinus was what Niebuhr has supposed it to be, his authority is not equal to that of Gains on a matter which specially belongs to the province of the jurist, and is foreign to that of the agrimensor. The passage of Livy does not prove Nicbtihr*s assertion. Livy merely states that the temple and grove of Sospita Juno should be common to the Lanuvini municipes and the Roman people ; and in what other terms conld he express the fact that the temple should be used by both people ? That does not prove that a temple was considered the same kind of public property as a tract of nnconsccratcd land was. The form of dedition in Livy (i. 311) may easily be explained.

called public land must be referred to the earliest ages of the Roman state, it appears from Gaius that under the emperors there was still land within the limits of the empire, the ownership of which was not in the individuals who possessed and enjoyed it, but in the populus Romanus, or the Caesar. This possession and enjoyment are distinguished by him from ownership (dominium). The term possessio frequently occurs in those jurists from whom the Digest was compiled ; but in these writers, as they are known to us, it applies only to private land, and the Ager Publicus is hardly, if at all, ever noticed by them. Now this term Possessio, as used in the Digest, means the possession of private land by one who has no kind of right to it; and this possessio was protected by the praetor's interdict, even when it was without bona fides or justa causa: but the term Possessio in the Roman historians, Livy for instance, signifies the occupation (occupatio) and enjoyment of public land j and the true notion of this, the original Possessio, contains the whole solution of the question of the Agrarian Laws. For this solution we are mainly indebted to Niebuhr and Savigny.

This latter kind of Possessio, that which has private land for its object, is demonstrated by Savigny (the term here used can hardly be said to be too strong) to have arisen from the first kind of possessio: and thus it might readily be supposed that the Roman doctrine of possessio, as applied to the occupation of private land, would throw some light on the nature of that original possessio out of which it grew. In the imperial period, public land had almost ceased to exist in the Italian peninsula, but the subject of possession in private lands had become a well understood branch of Roman law. The remarks in the three following paragraphs are from Savigny's valuable work, Das liccht des liesilzes (5th ed. p. 172): —

1. There were two kinds of land in the Roman state, oyer publicus and ager privatus: in the latter alone private property existed. But conformably to the old constitution, the greater part of the ngor publicus was occupied and enjoyed by private persons, and apparently by the patricians only, or at least by them chiefly till the enactment of the Licinian Rogations ; yet the state could resume the land nt pleasure. Now we find no mention of any legal form for the protection of the occupier, or Possessor as he was called, of such public land against any other individual, though it cannot be doubted that such a form actually existed. But if we assume that the interdict which protected the possession of an individual in private land, was the form which protected the possessor of the public land, two problems are solved at the same time, — an historical origin is discovered for possession in private land, and a legal form for the protection of possession in public land.

An hypothesis, which so clearly connects into one consistent whole, facts otherwise incapable of such connection, must be considered rather as evolving a latent fact, by placing other known facts in their true relative position, than as involving an independent assumption. But there is historical evidence in support of the hypothesis.

2. The words possessio, possessor, and possidere are the technical terms used by writers of very different ages, to express the occupation and the

enjoyment of the public lands ; that is, the notion of occupying and enjoying public land was in the early ages of the republic distinguished from the right of property in it Nothing was so natural as to apply this notion, when once fixed, to the possession of private land as distinct from the ownership ; and accordingly the same technical tonus were applied to the possession of private land. Various applications of the word possessio, with reference to private land, appear in the Roman law, in the bonorum possessio of the praetorian hcres and others. But all the uses of the word possessio, as applied to ager privatus, however they may differ in other respects, agreed in this: — they denoted an actual possession and enjoyment of a thing, without the strict Roman (Quiritarian) ownership.

3. The word possessio, which originally signified the right of the possessor, was in time used to signify the object of the right. Thus offer signified a piece of land, viewed as an object of Quiriuirian ownership ; possessio, a piece of land, in which a man had only a bonitarian or beneficial interest, as, for instance, Italic land not transferred by mancipatio, or land which from its nature could not be the subject of Quiritarian ownership, as provincial lands and the old ager publicus. Possessio accordingly implies usus; ager implies proprietor or ownership. This explanation of the terms ager and possessio is from a jurist of the imperial times, quoted by Savigny (Javolenus, Dig. SO. tit. 16. s. 115) ; but its value for the purpose of the present inquiry is not on that account the less. The ager publicus, and all the old notions attached to it, as already observed, hardly occur in the extant Roman jurists ; but the name possessio, as applied to private land, and the legal notions attached to it, are of frequent occurrence. The form of the interdict, — uti possidetis, — as it appears in the Digest, is this: — Uti eas acrf«...possidctis...vim fieri veto. But the original form of the interdict was: Uti nunc possidetis eumfiindum, &c. (Festus in Possessio) ; the word fundus, for which acdes was afterwards substituted, appears to indicate an original connection between the interdict and the ager publicus.

We know nothing of the origin of the Roman public land, except that it was acquired by conquest, and when so acquired it belonged to the state, that is, to the populus, as the name publicus (populicus) imports ; and the original populus was the patricians only. AVe may suppose that in the early periods of the Roman state, the conquered lands being the property of the populus, might be enjoyed by the members of that body, in any way that the body might determine. But it is not quite clear how these conquered lands were originally occupied. The following passage from Appian (Civil Wars, L 7) appears to give a probable account of the matter, and one which is not inconsistent with such facts as are otherwise known:—"The Romans," he says, " when they conquered any part of Italy, seized a portion of the lands, and either built cities in them, or sent Roman colonists to settle in the cities which already existed. Such cities they designed to be garrison places. As to the land thus acquired from time to time, they cither divided the cultivated part among the colonists, or sold it, or let it to farm. As to the land which had fallen out of cultivation in consequence of war, and which, indeed, was the larger part, having Do time to allot it, they pare public n»:ice that any one who chose might in the meantime cultivate this land, on payment of part of the yeariy produce, namely, a tenth of the produce of arable land, and a fifth of the produce of oliveyards and vineyards. A rate was also fired to be paid by {hose who pastured cattle (on this undivided land) both for the larger and smaller animals. And this they did with a view to increase lie numbers of the Italian people, whom they considered to be most enduring of labour, in order that they might hare domestic allies. Bat it turned oat just the contrary of their expectations. For the rich occupied the greater part of this nodi Tided land, and at length, feeling confident that they should never be deprived of it, and getting hoid of such portions as bordered on their lands, and also of the smaller portions in the possession of the poor, some by purchase and others by force, they became the cultivators of extensive districts instead of farms. And in order that their cultivators and shepherds might be free from military service, they employed slaves instead of freemen ; and they derived great profit from their rapid increase, which was favoured by the immunity of the slaves from military service. In this way the great became very rich, and slaves were numerous aC through the country. But this system reduced the number of the Italians, who were ground down by poverty, taxes, and military service; and whenever they had a respite from these evils, they had nothing to do, the land being occupied by the rich, who also employed slaves instead of freemen." This passage, though it appears to contain much historical truth, does not distinctly explain the original mode of occupation ; for we can scarcely suppose that there were not some rnles prescribed as to the occupation of this undivided land. Livy also gives no clear account of the mode in which these possessions were acquired ; though he states in some passages that the conquered lands were occupied by the nobles, and occupation (occupatio) in its proper sense signifies tbe taking possession of vacant land. As the number of these nobles was not very great, wc may easily conceive that in the earlier periods of the republic, they might regulate among themselves the mode of occupation. The complaint against the nobles (patres) shortly before the enactment of the Licinian Rogations was, that they were not content with keeping the land which they illegally possessed (possesso per injuriam ngro), but that they refused to distribute among the plcbs the vacant land (vacuum agrum) which had then recently been taken from the enemy. (Liv. iv. 51, vi 5. 37 ; Occupatio). It probably sometimes happened that public land was occupied, or squatted cm (to use a North American phrase), by any ad

• It is stated in the American Almanac for 1339, that though the new territory of Iowa contains above 20,000 inhabitants, u none of the land has been purchased, the people being all what are termed squatters.** The land alluded to is all public land. The squatter often makes considerable improvements on the land which he has occupkd, and even sella his interest in it, before any purchase if made of tbe land. The privilege of pre-emption which ia allowed to the squatter, or to the person who has purchased his interest, is

But whatever was the mode in which these lands were occupied, the possessor, when once in postesskn, was, as wc have seen, protected by the praetor*! interdict. The patron m ho permitted his client to occupy any part of hit possession as tenant at will (/wonio), could eject him at pleasure by the eslerdictum <U prreorio ; for the client did not obtain a possession by such permission of his |*tmn. The patron would, of course, hare the same remedy against a trespasser. But any individual, however humble, who had a possession, was also protected in it against the aggression of the rich ; and it was M one of the grievances bitterly complained of by the Gracchi, and all the patriots of their ■ge, that while a soldier was serving against the enemy, hit powerful neighbour, who coveted his small estate,ejected his wife and children.** (Nieb.) The state could not only grant the ocrtipntion or possession of its public land, but could sell it, and thus convert public into private land. A remarkable passage in Orosius (Savigny, p. 176, note), shows that public lands, which had been given to certain religious corporations to possess, were sold in order to raise money for the exigencies of (he state. The setting of that land which was possessed^ and the circumstance of the having been a pmar or p. blic act, are both < tuned in this passage.

The public lands which were occupied by possessors, were sometimes called, with inference to such possession, occmjxitorii ; and, with respect to the state, comrssx. Public land which became private by sale wns called quutitorius; that which is often spoken of as assigned (assit/natus), was marked out and divided (UmiUitus) among the pli-Winns in equal lots, and given to them in absolute ownership, or it was assigned to the persons who were sent out as a colony. Whether the land so granted to the colony should become Roman or not, depended on the nature of the colony. The name ager publicus was given to the public lands which were acquired even after the plebi had become one of the estates in the Roman constitution, though the name publicus, in its original sense, could no longer be applicable to such public lands. After the establishment of the plebs as nn estate, the possession of public land wan still claimed as the peculiar privilege of the patricians, as before the establishment of the plebs it seems to have been the only wav in which public Innds were enjoyed by the populus : the assignment, that is the grant by the state of the ownership of public land in fixed shares, wns the privilege of the plebs In the early ages, when the populus was the state, it does not appear that there was any assignment of public lands among the populus, though it may be assumed that public lands would occasionally be sold ; the mode of enjoyment of public land was that of possessio, subject to an annual payment to the state. It may be conjectured that this ancient possessio, which we cannot consider as having its origin in anything else than the consent of the state, was a good title to the use of the land so long as the annual payments were made. At any rate, the plebs had no claim upon such ancient possessions. But with the introduction of the plebs as a separate estate, and the acquisition of new lands

the only security which cither the squatter or the person who purchases from him, has for the inimade on the land.

by conquest, it would seem that the plebs had as good a title to a share of the newly conquered lands, as the patricians to the exclusive enjoyment of those lands which had been acquired by conquest before the plebs had become an eBtate ; and according to Livy (iv. 49), the plebs founded their claim to the captured lands on their services in the war. The determination of what part of newly conquered lands (arable and vineyards) should remain public, and what part should be assigned to the plebs, which, Niebuhr says, " it need scarcely be observed was done after the completion of every conquest," ought to have been an effectual way of settling all disputes between the patricians and plebs as to the possessions of the former ; for such an appropriation, if it were actually made, could have no other meaning than that the patricians were to have as good title to possess their Bhare as the plebs to the ownership of their assigned portions. The plebs at least could never fairly claim an assignment of public land, appropriated to remain such, at the time when they received the share of the conquered lands to which they were intitled. But the fact is, that we have no evidence at all as to suck division between lands appropriated to remain public and lands assigned in ownership, as Niebuhr assumes. All that we know is, that the patricians jnssesscd large tracts of public land, and that the plebs from time to time claimed and enforced a division of part of them. In such a condition of affairs, many difficult questions might arise ; and it is quite as possible to conceive that the claims of the plebs might in some cases be as ill founded as the conduct of the patricians was alleged to be rapacious in extending their possessions. In the course of time, ow!ng to sales of possessions, family settlements, permanent improvements made on the land, the claims on the land of creditors who had lent money on the security of it, and other causes, the equitable adjustment of rights under on agrarian law was impossible j and this is a difficulty which Appian (i. 10. 18) particularly mentions as resulting from the law of Tib. Gracchus.

Public pasture lands, it appears, were not the subject of assignment.

The property (publicum) of the Roman people consisted of many things besides land. The conquest of a territory, unless special terms were granted to the conquered, seems to have implied the acquisition by the Roman state of the conquered territory and all that it contained. Thus not only would land be acquired, which was available for corn, vineyards, and pasture ; but mines, roads, rivers, harbours, and, as a consequence, tolls and duties. If a Roman colony was sent out to occupy a conquered territory or town, a part of the conquered lands was assigned to the colonists in complete ownership. (colonia.) The remainder, it appears, was left or restored to the inhabitants. Not that we are to understand that they had the property in the land as they had before ; but it appears that they were subject to a payment, the produce of which belonged to the Roman people. In the case of the colony sent to Antium, Dionysius (ix. CO) states, 11 that all the Antiates who had houses and lands remained in the country, and cultivated both the portions that were set aside for them and the portions appropriated to the colonists, on the condition of paying to them a fixed portion of the produce ;" in which case, if the historian's statement is true, all the sums paid by the original landholders were appropriated to the colonists. Niebuhr seems to suppose, that the Roman state might at any time resume such restored lands ; and, no doubt, the notion of a possibility of resumption under some circumstances at least was involved in the tenure by which these funds were held ; but it may be doubted if the resumption of such lands was ever resorted to except in extraordinary cases, and except as to conquered lands which were the public lands of the conquered state. Private persons, who were permitted to retain their lands subject to the payment of a tax, were not the possessors to whom the agrarian laws applied. In many cases large tracts of land were absolutely seized, their owners having perished in battle or been driven away, and extensive districts, either not cultivated at all or very imperfectly cultivated, became the property of the state. Such lands as were unoccupied could become the subject of possessio ; and the possessor would, in all cases, and in whatever manner he obtained the land, be liable to a payment to the state, as above-mentioned in the extract from Appian.

This possessio was a real interest, for it was the subject of sale: it was the use (twu) of the land ; but it was not the ager or property. The possessio strictly could not pass by the testament of the possessor, at least not by the mancipatio. (Goius, ii. 102.) It is not easy, therefore, to imagine any mode by which the possession of the heres was protected, unless there was a legal form, such as Savigny has assumed to exist for the general protection of possessiones in the public lands. The possessor of public land never acquired the ownership by virtue of his possession ; it was not subject to usucapion. The ownership of the land which belonged to the state, could only be acquired by the grant of the ownership, or by purchase from the state. The state could at any time, according to strict right, sell that land which was only possessed, or assign it to another than the possessor. The possession was, in fact, with respect to the state, precarium ; and we may suppose that the lands so held would at first receive few permanent improvements. In course of time, and particularly when the possessors had been undisturbed for many years, possession would appear, in an equitable point of view, to have become equivalent to ownership ; and the hardship of removing the possessors by an agrarian law would appear the greater, after the state had long acquiesced in their use and occupation of the public land.

In order to form a correct judgment of these enactments which are specially cited as agrarian laws, it must be borne in mind that the possessors of public lands owed a yearly tenth, or fifth, as the case might be, to the state. These annual payments were, it seems, often withheld by the possessors, and thus the state was deprived of a fund for the expenses of war and other .general purposes.

The first mention by Livy of conquered land being distributed among the plebs belongs to the reign of Servius Tullius (i. 46,47). The object of the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius (Liv. ii. 41; Dionys. viii. 70), B. c 484, is supposed by Niebuhr to have been " that the portion of the populus in the public lands should be set apart, that the rest should be divided among the plebeians, that the tithe should again be levied and applied to paying the army." The agrarian law of C. Licinius Stolo (Liv. vi. 36 ; Af-pian, B.C i. 8) a c 365, limited each individual's possession of public land to 500 jugera, asd imposed some other restrictions ; but the possessor had no better title to the 500 jugera which the law left him, than he formerly had to what die law took from him. (lkgxs LlclNIsa.) The surplus land was to be divided among the plebeians, as we may assume from this being an agrarian law. The Licinian law not effecting its object, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, B. a 133, revived the measure for limiting the possession of pablk land to 500 jogera. The arguments of the possessors against this measure, as they are stated by Appmc (B. C. i- 10), are such as might reasonably be urged ; but he adds that Gracchus proposed to give to each possessor, by way of comments made on the public full ownership of 500 jogera, and half that quantity to each of his sons if he had any. Coder the law of Tiberius Gracchus three commissioners (triumTiri) were to be chosen annually by the thirty-6ve tribes, who were to decide all questions that might arise as to the claims of the state upon lands in the occupation of possessors. The r provided that the land which was to be re1 should be distributed in small allotments the poorer citixens, and they were not to have the power of alienating their allotments. Gracchus also proposed that the ready money which Attains III-, King of Pergamus, had vriih all his other property bequeathed to the Reman state, should be divided among the persons who received allotments, in order to enable them to stock their land. Tiberias Gracchus lost his life in a riot B. c 133 ; but the senate allowed the commissioners to continue their labours. After tbe death of Tiberius Gracchus, a tragical event P. Cornelius Scipio, who had L the cause of the possessors, both Roman and Italian, against the measure of Gracchus, was found dead in his bed. Suspicion was strong against the party of Caius Gracchus, the younger brother of Tiberius, whose sister Sempronia was the wife of Scipio, but no inquiry was made into the cause of Scipio"s death. Caius Gracchus became a tribune of the plebs, 8. c. 123, and he put the law of bis brother again in force, for it had virtually been suspended by the senate, B. c. 129, by their withdrawing the powers from the three commissioners, of whom Gracchus was one, and giving them to the consul, C Sempronius Tuditanus, who, being engaged in the IUyrian war, could not attend to the business. Caius Gracchus proposed the establishment of Tarioas colonies under the provisions of the law. To check his power, the senate called in the aid of another tribune, M. Livius Drusus, who outbid Caius in his popular measures. The law of Gracchus proposed that those who received allotments of land should pay the state a small sum in respect of each. Drusus released them from this payment. Caius proposed to found two colonies : Drusus proposed to found twelve, each consisting of three thousand men. Cains Gracchus lost his life in a civil commotion B. c. 121. Shortly after his death, that clause of the Sempronian law whjen forbade the alienation of the allotments, was repealed ; and they forthwith began to fall into the hands of the rich by purchase, or by alleged purchases as Appian obscurely states (B. V. 127). A tribune, Spurins Bonus (Bonus is the mme in the MSS. of Appian), carried a law to

prevent future divisions of the public land, with • provision that the sums payable in respect of this land to the state, should be formed into a fund for the relief of the poor. But another tribune, Spurius Thorius, B.c. Ill, repealed this law as to the tax from the public lands, and thus the plebs lost everything for the future, both lands and poors' money. (Lax Thou A. J

Other agrarian laws followed. In the sixth consulship of Marius, B. c 100, agrarian laws were carried by the tribune L. Appuleius Satuminus , the object of which was chiefly to soldiers of Marias. These

were carried by violence, but they were subsequently declared null. The tribune, M. Livius Drusus the younger, B, c 91, proposed the division of all the public land in Italy and tho establishment of the colonies which had been projected : he was for giving away everything that the state had (Floras, in. 16). This Drusus was also a tool of the senate, whose object was to humble the equestrian order by means of the pirba and the Italian Socii. But the Socii were also interested in opposing the measures of Drusus, as they possessed large parts of the public land in Italy. To gain their consent, Drusus promised to give them the full Roman citixenship. But he and the senate could not agree on all these measures, Drusus was murdered, and tbe Socii, seeing their hopes of the citixenship balked, broke out in open war (a. C 90). The measures of Drusus were declared null, and there was no investigation as to his death. The Social or Manic war, after threatening Rome with ruin, was ended by the Romans conceding what the allies demanded. (Lax. Julia.)

The land to which all the agrarian laws, prior to the Thoria Lex, applied, was the public land in Italy, south of the Macro and the Hubico, the southern boundaries of Gallia Cisalpina on the west and east coasts respectively. The Thnria Ijcx applied to all the public land within these limits, except what had been disposed of by assiirnation prior to the year B. c. 133, in which Tiberius Gracchus was tribune, and except the Ager Campan us. It applied also to public land in the province of Africa, and in the territory of Corinth. (thoria Lex.) The object of the agrarian law of P. Scrvilius Rullus, pro(>otcd in the consulship of Cicero B. c 63, was to sell all the public land both in and out of Italy, and to buy lands in Italy on which the poor were to be settled. Ten commissioners, with extraordinary powers, were to carry the law into effect, and a host of surveyors, clerks, and other officers, were to find employment in this agrarian job. The job was defeated by Cicero, whose three extant orations against Rullus contain most instructive matter on the condition of the Roman state at that time. The tribune Flavins, B. c 60, at the instigation of Cn. Pompeius, brought forward a measure for providing the soldiers of Pompeius with lands. Cicero was not altogether opposed to this measure, for he wished to please Pompeius. One clause of the law provided that lands should be bought for distribution with the money that should arise in the next five years from the new revenues that had been created by the Asiatic conquests of Pompeius. The law was dropped, but it was reproduced in a somewhat ^4 altered shape by C. Julius Caesar in his consul ship, B. c 59, and it included the StcllatU Age' »

and the Campanus Agcr, which all previous agrarian laws had left untouched. The fertile tract of Capua (Campanus Agcr) was distributed among 2U,000 persons, who had the qualification that the law required, of three or more children. After this distribution of the Campanian land, and the abolition of the port duties and tolls (portoria), Cicero observes (atl AU. ii. 16), "there was no revenue to be raised from Italy, except the five per cent, (vicesima)" from the sale and roanumi salon of slaves.

The lands which the Roman people had acquired in the Italian peninsula by conquest were greatly reduced in amount by the laws of Gracchus and by sale. Confiscations in the civil wars, and conquests abroad, were, indeed, continually increasing the public lands ; but these lands were allotted to the soldiers and the numerous colonists to whom the state was continually giving lands. The system of colonisation which prevailed during the republic, was continued under the emperors, and considerable tracts of Italian land were disposed of in this manner by Augustus and his successors. Vespasian assigned lauds in Samnium to his soldiers, and grants ot Italian lands are mentioned by subsequent emperors, though we may infer that at the close of the second century of our aora, there was little public land left in the peninsula. Vespasian sold part of the public lands called sulxeciva. Domitian gave the remainder of such lands all through Italy to the possessors (Augenus). The conquests be yond the limits of Italy furnished the emperors with the means of rewarding the veterans by grants of land, and in this way the institutions of Rome were planted on a foreign soil. But, according to Gaius, property in the land was not acquired by such grant ; the ownership was still in the state, and the provincial landholder had only the possessio. If this be true, as against the Roman ) >eople or the Caesar, his interest in the land was one that might be resumed at any time, according to the strict rules of law, though it is easily conceived that such foreign possessions would daily acquire strength, and could not safely be dealt with as possessions had been in Italy by the various agrarian laws which had convulsed the Roman state. This assertion of the right of the populus Romanus and of the emperors, might be no wrong " inflicted on provincial landowners by the Roman jurisprudence,"* as Niebuhr affirms. The tax paid by the holders of agcr privatus in the provinces was the only thing which distinguished the beneficial interest in such land from Italic land, and might be, in legal effect, a recognition of the ownership,, according to Roman law. And this was Savigny's earlier opinion with respect to the tax paid by provincial lands ; he considered such tax due to the Roman people as the sovereign or ultimate owner of the lands. His later opinion, as expressed in the Zeitschrift fur

* Niebuhr observes that Frontinus speaks of the 44 urva jmUiai in the provinces, in contradistinction to the agri privati there ;" but this he certainly does not. This contradistinction is made by his commentator Aggenus who, as he himself •ays, only conjectures the meaning of Frontinus ; and, perhaps, he has not discovered it. (Rei Agr. Script, pp. 38. 46, 47.) Savigny's explanation of ttiis passage is contained in the Zeitsdirift fur (Jescfu licchlsw. vol. xi. p. 24.

Geschichtiiche Rcchtsieissenschnft (vol. v. p. 254), la, that under the Caesars a uniform system of direct taxation was established in the provinces, to which all provincial land was subject; but land in Italy was free from this tax, and a provincial town could only acquire the like freedom by receiving the privilege expressed by the term Jus Italicum. The complete solution of the question here under discussion could only be effected by ascertaining the origin and real nature of this provincial land-tax ; and as it may be difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain such facts, we must endeavour to give a probable solution. Now it is consistent with Roman notions that all conquered land should be considered as the property of the Roman state ; and it is certain that such land, though assigned to individuals, did not by that circumstance alone become invested with all the characters of that Roman land which was private property. It had not the privilege of the Jus Italicum, and consequently could not be the object of Quiritarian ownership, with its incidents of mancipatio, &c AU land in the provinces, including even that of the libera© civitates, and the agcr publicus properly so called, could only become an object of Quiritarian ownership by having conferred upon it the privilege of Italic land, by which it was also released from the payment of the tax. It is clear that there might be and was agcr privatus, or private property, in provincial land ; but this land had not the privileges of Italic land, unless such privilege was expressly given to it, and accordingly it paid a tax. As the notions of landed property in all countries seem to suppose a complete ownership residing in some person, and as the provincial landowner, whose lands had not the privilege of the Jus Italicum, had not that kind of ownership which, according to the notions of Roman law, was complete ownership, it is difficult to conceive that the ultimate ownership of provincial lands (with the exception of those of the liberae civitates) could reside any where else than in the populus Romanus, and, after the establishment of the imperial power, in the populus Romanus or the Caesar. This question is, however, one of some difficulty, and well deserves further examination. It may be doubted, however, if Gaius means to say that there could be no Quiritarian ownership of private land in the provinces ; at least this would not be the case in those districts to which the Jus Italicum was extended. The case of the Reccntoric lands, which is quoted by Niebuhr (Cic c Rullum, i 4), may be explained. The land here spoken of was land in Sicily. One object of the measure of Rullus was to exact certain extraordinary payments (vcctigal) from the public lands, that is, from the possessors of them ; but he excepted the Reccntoric lands from the operation of his measure. If this is private land, Cicero argues, the exception is unnecessary. The argument, of course, assumes that there was or might be private land in Sicily > that is, there was or might be land which would not be affected by this part of the measure of Rullus. Now the opposition of public and private land in this passage certainly proves, what can easily be proved without it, that individuals in the provinces owned land as individuals did in Italy; and such land might with propriety be called privatum as contrasted with that called publicus in the provinces: in fact, it would not be easy to have found another name for it But we know

Cat ager privates in the province's, unlets it had ' rertfrcd the Jns Italicnm, was not the umf thing i &» agrrpriratus in Italy, though both were private ; pmpertw. Such a passage then as that just referred to in Cicero, leads to no necessarv conclusion that the ultimate ownership or dominion of this private land was not in the Roman people.

It only remainsi briefly to notice the condition of tHe pcblic land with respect to the fructus, or vectural which belonged to the state. This, as already observed, was generally a tenth, and hence the ager publicus was sometimes called decuman us; it was also sometimes called surer vecticalis. The tithes were generally farmed by the publicani, who paxl their rent mostly in money, but sometimes in grain. The letting was managed by the censors, and the lease was for five years. The form, however, of leasing the tenths was that of a sale, rtaaripatio. In course of time the word locaiio was applied to these leases. The phrase used by the Roman writers was originally frvctut locatio, which was the proper expression ; but we find the phase, aorvm frmendwm /ocare, also used in the same sense, an expression which might appear somewhat ambiguous ; and even aorvm /oca re, which might mean the leasing of the public lands, and not of the tenths due from the possessors of them. Scrabo (p. 622), when speaking of the port duties of Come in Aeolis, says they were sold, by which he no doubt means that they were farmed oa certain terms. It is, however, made clear by Xiebahr, that in some instances at least the phrase agrttm Jooa/r, does mean the leasing of the tenths; whether this was always the meaning of the phrase, it is not possible to affirm.

Though the term ager vectigalis originally expressed the public land, of which the tithe was leased, it afterwards came to signify lands which were leased by the state, or by different corporalions. This latter description would comprehend even the ager publicus ; but this kind of public property was gradually reduced to a small amount, and we find the term ager vectigalis, in the later period, applied to the lands of towns which were so leased that the lessee, or those who derived their tune from him, could not be ejected so long as they paid the vectigaL. This is the ager vectigalis of the Digest (vi. tit. 3), on the model of which was farmed the emphyteusis, or ager emphyteuticarius. (ehphytbesis.) The rights of the lessee of the ager vectigalis were different from those of a possessor of the old ager publicus, though the ager vectigalis was derived from, and was only a new form of the ager publicus. Though he had only a j*t m re, and though he is distinguished from the owner (domitttu), yet he was considered as having the possession of the land. He had, also, a right of action against the town, if he was ejected from his land, provided he had always paid his vectigaL The nature of these agrarian laws, of which the first was the proposed law of Spurius Cassias, and the last, the law of C. Julius Caesar, B.C. 59, is easily understood. The plebs began by claiming a share in those conquered lands of which the patricians claimed the exclusive enjoyment, subject to a fixed payment to the state. It was one object of the Rogations of Licinius to check the power of* the nobles, and to limit their wealth ; and as they had at that time little landed property, fiis end would be accomplished by limiting their of the public land. Bnt a more im

portant object was to provide for ihe poorer ririsena. In a country where there M little trade, and no manufacturing industry, the land is the only source to which the poorer classes can look for subsistence. Accordingly, at Home there was a continual demand for allotments, and these allotments were made from time to time. These allotments were just large enough to maintain a man and his family, and the encouragement of population was one of the objects contemplated by the«e grants of land. (Liv. v. 30.) Home required a constant supply of soldiers, and the system was well adapted to give th* supply. But this system of small holdings did not produce all the results that were anticipated. Poverty and mismanagement often compelled the small owners to tell their lands to their richer neighbours, and one clause of the law of Tib. Gracchus forbade persons selling their allotments. This clause was afterwards repealed, not, as some would suppose, to favour the rich, but simply because the repeal of so absurd an enactment would be beneficial to all fifties. In the later republic agrarian laws were considered as one means of draining the city of the scum of the population, which is only an her proof of the impolicy of these measures, for the worthless populace of a large city will never make a good aLrricultural population. (Cic. ad Att L 19.) They were also used as means of settling veteran soldiers, who must either bo maintained as soldiers, or provided for in some way. Probably from about the close of tho second Punic war, when the Romans hail la rye standing armies it became the practice to provide for those who had served their period by giving them a trmnt of land (Liv, xxxi 4) ; and this practice became common under the later republic and the empire. The Roman soldier always looked forward to a release from service aft<-r a certain time, but it was not possible to send him away empty-handed. At the present day none of the powers of Europe which maintain very large armies could safely disband them, for they could not provide for the soldiers, and the soldiers would certainly provide for themselves at the expense of others. It was perhaps not so much a system of policy with the Homnns as necessity, which led them from time to time to grant lands in small allotments to the various classes of citizens who have been enumerated.

The effects of this system must 1* considered from several points of view—as a means of silencing the clamours of the poor, and one of the modes of relieving their poverty, under which aspect they may be classed with the Leges Frumentannc ; of diffusing Roman settlers over Italy, and thus extending the Roman power ; as a means of providing for soldiers ; and as one of the ways in which popular leaders sought to extend their influence. The effects on agriculture could hardly be beneficial, if we consider that the fact of the settlers often wanting capital is admitted by ancient authorities, that they were liable to be called from their lands for military service, and that persons to whom the land was given were often unacquainted with agriculture, and unaccustomed to field labour. The evil that appears in course of time in all states is the poverty of a large number of the people, for which different countries attempt to provide different remedies. The Roman system of giving land failed to remedy this evil; but it was a system that developed itself of necessity in a state constituted like Rome.

Those who may choose to investigate the subject of the agrarian laws, will find the following references sufficient for the purpose: — Liv. i. 46, 47 ; ii. 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 52, 61, 63, iii. 1, 9, iv. 12, 36, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 58, v. 24. 30, vL 5, 6, 16, 21, 35, viL 16, x. 13, 47, xxxiii. 42, xxxiv. 40 ; Dionys. ii. 15, viii. 70, &c, ix. 51, &c, x. 36; Plut Camillas, c 39, T. Gracchus, C. GraccJius; Appian, I). C. i. 7, &c ; Cic c Hullum; ad AU. i. 19, ii. 16; Dion Cass, xxxviil 1, &c xlv. 9, &C xlvii. 14, xlviiL 2 ; Veil Pat. ii. 2, 6, 44 ; Floras, iii. 13, &c ; Zeitschrift fur GeachichUiche Hechlswismachafl, Das Ackergesctz von Spurius Thorius, vol. x. by Rudorff; Niebuhr, Roman History, vol. iL p. 129, &c ; Savigny, Das Redd da Besilzes, 5th ed.; Classical Museum, Parts V. VI. VII, articles by the author of this article, and an article by Professor Puchta, of Berlin ; Political Dictionary, art. Agrarian Law, by the author of this article. (O. L.)

AGRAU'LIA (iypavXla) was a festival celebrated by the Athenians in honour of Agraulos, the daughter of Cecrops. (V>ict. of Biogr. s. v.) We possess no particulars respecting the time or mode of its celebration ; but it was, perhaps, connected with the solemn oath, which all Athenians, when they arrived at manhood (t^fioi), were obliged to take in the temple of Agraulos, that they would fight for their country, and always observe its laws. (Lycurg. c Lcocr. p. 189 ; Dem. de Legal. p. 438 ; Plut. Alcib. 15 ; Stobaeus, Strm. xli. 141 ; Schumann, De ComUiis, p. 332 ; Wachsniuth, HclUv. Alterlh. vol. i. p. 476, 2nd cd.)

Agraulos was also honoured with a festival in Cyprus, iu the month Aphrodisius, at which human victims were offered. (Porphyr. De Abstin. at Anim. i. 2.)

AGRICULTU'RA, agriculture.

Autliorities. — When we remember that agriculture, in the most extended acceptation of the term, was for many centuries the chief, we may say, almost the sole peaceful occupation followed by any large portion of the free population in those European nations which first became highly civilised, we shall not be surprised to find that the contemporaries of Cicero were able to enumerate upwards of fifty Greek writers who had contributed to this science. Rut although the Homeric poems are filled with a series of the most charming pictures derived from the business of a country life, although Hesiod supplies abundance of wise saws and pithy aphorisms, the traditional wisdom accumulated during many successive generations, although Xenophon has bequeathed to us a most graceful essay on the moral beauty of rustic pursuits interspersed with not a few instructive details, and although much that belongs to the Natural History of the subject will be found treasured up in the vast storehouses of Aristotle and Theophrastus, yet nothing which con be regarded in the light of a formal treatise upon the art as exhibited in the pastures and cornfields of Hellas, has descended to us, except a volume, divided into twenty books, commonly known as the Geoponica (TtunroviK*), whose history is somewhat obscure, but which, according to the account commonly received, was drawn up at the desire of Constantine VI. (a. D. 780—802) by a certain Cassianus Bassus, and consists of extracts from numerous writers, chiefly Greek, many of whom flourished in the second, third, and fourth centuries. This collection is systematically arranged and comprehends all the chief branches ; but it has never been considered of much \alue, except in Bo far as it tends to confirm or illustrate the statements found elsewhere. The information conveyed by it is, upon many points, extremely meagre, the materials were worked up at a late period by an editor with whose history and qualifications for his task we are altogether unacquainted, while the most important quotations are taken from authors of whom we know little or nothing, so that we cannot tell whether their precepts apply to the same or to different climates, whether they give us the fruit of their own experience, or, as we have great reason to suspect in many instances, were themselves mere compilers.

The Romans, during the brightest periods of their history, were devotedly attached to the only lucrative profession in which any citizen could embark with honour, and from the first dawn until the decline of their literature, rural economy formed a favourite theme for composition both in prose and verse. The works of the Sasernae, father and son, those of Scrofa Tremellius, of Julius Hyginus, of Cornelius Celsus, of Julius Atticus, and of Julius Graecinns have perished ; but we still possess, in addition to Virgil, four u Scriptores de Re Rustica," two, at least, of whom were practical men. We have, in the first place, 162 chapters from the pen of the elder Cato (B.C. 234—149), a strange medley, containing many valuable hints for the management of the farm, the olive garden, and the vineyard, thrown together without order or method, and mixed up with medical prescriptions, charms for dislocated and broken bones, culinary receipts, and sacred litanies, the whole forming a remarkable compound of simplicity and shrewdness, quaint wisdom and blind superstition, bearing, moreover, a strong impress of the national character; in the second place, we have the three books of Vorro (b. c 116 —28), drawn up at the age of eighty, by one who was not only the most profound scholar of his age, but likewise a soldier, a politician, an enthusiastic and successful farmer; in the third place, the thirteen books of Columella (a. D. 40 (?)), more minute than the preceding, especially in all that relates to the vine, the olive, gardening, and fruit trees, but evidently proceeding from one much less familiar with his subject; and, lastly, the fourteen books of Palladius (a writer of uncertain date who closely copies Columella), of which twelve form a Farmer's calendar, the different operations being ranged according to the months in which they ought to be performed. Besides the above, a whole book of Pliny and many detached chapters are devoted to matters connected with the labours of the husbandman ; but in this, as in the other portions of that remarkable encyclopaedia, the assertions must be received with caution, since they cannot be regarded as exhibiting the results of original investigation, nor even a very correct representation of the opinions of others.

We ought not here to pass over unnoticed the great work of Mago the Carthaginian, who, as a native of one of the most fertile and carefully cultivated districts of the ancient world, must have had ample opportunities for acquiring knowledge. This production, extending to twenty-eight books, had attained such high fame that, after the de(traction of Carthage, it was translated into Latin by order* of the senate ; a Greek version, with addlxiaaa tod probably omissions, wu executed by Dioorum of Unca, and publiahed in twenty books during the century before the commencement of oar era; and this, again, was a few yean afterwards condensed into six booka by Diophanes of Nieaes, and presented to King Deiotarua. In That folktva, Cato, Varro, and Columella will be cor chief supports, although references will be made ta and illustrations drawn from the other sources indicated above. (Varr. ft. ft. L. 1 ; Col. H. H. i. 1 ; Plin. H. S. Xtul 3 ; Proleg. ad Oeufvm. in ed. Xidas.)

Dmsion of tie SsebjeeL. Rural Economy may be treated of under two

A. Agriculture proper (A'_rricult»ra), or the art of tilling the soil.

B. The management of stock (Pantio).


Agriculture proper teaches the art of raising the various crops necessary for the sustenance and comfort of man and of the domestic animals, in such a manner that the productive energies of the soil may be fully developed but not exhausted nor enfeebled, and teaches, farther, how this may be accomplished with the least possible expenditure of capital. The crops to which the Greeks and Romans chiefly directed their attention were — 1. Different kinds of grain, such as wheat and barley ; leguminous vegetables cultivated for their seeds, such as beans, peas, and lupines ; herbs cut green for forage, such as grass, tares, and lucerne ; and pUnts which furnished the raw material for the textile fabrics, such as hemp and flax. 2. Fruit trees, especially the vine, the olive, and the fig. 3. Garden stuffs. — For the second of these divisions we refer to the articles Olbtum and Vine A ; and we shall not touch at all upon gardening, since the minute details connected with this topic are of little or no service in illustrating the classics

a farm.


Agriculture in its a knowledge

I. Of the subject of our operations, that is, the farm (fundus^praedimm), which must be considered. i. with reference to its situation and soil (quo loeo et qua/is), and 4. with reference to the dwelling-house and steading (villa et stalmla).

II. Of the instruments (instrumenta) required to perform the various operations (quae in /undo ops* star ae debeant esse eulturae causa), these instruments being twofold, a. men (homines) ; and 6.

the assistants of men (adminicula hominum), viz.

domestic animal* (Aoces, equi, cases, Ac) together

with tools (instrumenta), properly so called, such

as ploughs and harrows.

III. Of the operations themselves, such as ploughing, harrowing, and sowing (quae in /undo eolendi castas tint facienda), and of the time when they are to be performed (quo quidquid tempore fieri ooneeniat).

IV. Of the object of these operations, viz. the different plants considered with reference to their species, varieties, and habits. Under this head we Bay alto conveniently include what is termed the notion of crops, that is, the order in which they ought to succeed each other upon the same ground.


(Knotrledoe of Ae Farm). In the two points which first were, 1. The healthiness of the situation (a^sbrilas), a matter of the greatest anxiety in Italy, the ravages of malaria appear to hare not less fatal in ancient than they have in modern times ; and, 2. The general fertility of the soil. It was essential to be fully satisfied upon both of these particulars ; for to settle in a pestilential spot was to gamble with the lives and property of all concerned (non aJind est atque aha donuni mean et ra familiaris), and no man in his senses would undertake to till land which was not likely to yield a fair return for his outlay of money and lalmur (/ruetus pro impensn ae Lahore). The next object of solicitude was a good aspect. The property was, if possible, to have a southerly exposure, to be sheltered by a wooded hill from the sweep of boisterous and cutting winds, and not to be lial fortunes (as ealamiiosmm net), such as i or violent bail storms. It wu highly important that it should be in the vicinity of a populous town (oppidum validum), or if not, that it should be readily accessible either by sea, or by a navigable stream (ssssss ass* sores ambulant), or by a good well frequented road (rus bona eelebrisque) ; that there should be an abundant supply of water (fronum afptarimm); that it should be so situated that the proprietor, if he did not live upon the estate, might be able to give active and constant personal superintendence ; and, finally, that it should be moderate in size, so that every portion might be brought into full cultivation (laudato inyentia rum Krumum eoliio).

These preliminary matters being ascertained, the soil might be considered in reference a to its general external features (forma), /J. to its internal qualities (qualis tit terra).

a. In so far as its external features were concerned it might be flat (solum eampestre), or upland rolling ground (eollinum), or high lying (mantassst), or might comprise within its limits all three, which was most desirable, or any two of them. These variations would necessarily exercise important influence on the climate, on the description of crops which might be cultivated with advantage, and on the time chosen for performing the various operations, the general rule being that as we ascend the temperature falls, that corn and sown crops in general (tegetes) succeed best on plains, vineyards (ctseae) on gentle slopes, and timber trees (sifoae) upon elevated sites, and that the different labours of the rustic may bo commenced earlier upon low than upon high ground. When flat it was better that it should incline gently and uniformly in one direction (aequabUiter in unam partem terpens) than be a dead level (ad tibellam aequttm), for in the latter case the drainage being necessarily imperfect, it would have a tendency to become swampy; but the worst form was when there were converging slopes, for there the water collect d into pools (fqessso*).

0. In so far as its internal qualities were concerned, soil might be classed under six heads forming three antagonistic pairs.: —

1. The deep and fat (pintme), 2. The shallow and lean (macrum, jejunum), 3. The loose (so/aturn), 4. The dense (spissum), 5. The wet (Aumtdum, aquosum, uliginosum), 6. The dry (siccum), while the endless gradations and combinations of which the elementary qualities were susceptible produced all the existing varieties. These are named sometimes from their most obvious constituents, the stony (lapidosum), the gravelly (gletreosum), the sandy (arenosum), the mortary (sabulosum), the chalky (cretosum), the clayey (argillosum) ; sometimes from their colour, the black {nigrum), the Ata\{pullum), the grey (subalbum), the red (rvbicundum), the white (pdbum) ; sometimes from their consistency, the crumbling (putre, friabUe, cineritium), as opposed to the tenacious (densum, crassum, spissum) ; sometimes from their natural products, the grassy (graminosum, herbosum), the weedy (spurcum) ; sometimes from their taste, the salt (xdsum), the bitter (amarum) j rubrica seems to have been a sort of red chalky clay, but what the epithets rudecia and materina applied to earth (terra) by Cato may indicate, it is hard to determine (Cato 34 j comp. Plin. //. AT. xviii. 17). The great object of the cultivator being to separate the particles as finely as possible (neque tiiiiii aliud est colere quam resolvere et fermentare terram), high value was attached to those soils which were not only rich, but naturally pulverulent Hence the first place was held by solum pingue et putre, the second by pinguiter densum, while the worst was that which was at once dry, tenacious, and poor (siccum pariter et densum et macrum). The ancients were in the habit of forming an estimate of untried ground, not only from the qualities which could be detected by sight and touch, but also from the character of the trees, shrubs, and herbage growing upon it spontaneously, a test of more practical value than any of the others enumerated in the second Georgic (177— 258.)

When an estate was purchased, the land might be either in a state of culture (culta novalia), or in a state of nature (rudis ager).

The comparative value of land under cultivation estimated by the crops which it was capable of bearing, is fixed by Cato (1), according to the following descending scale: —

1. Vineyards (vinea), provided they yielded good wine in abundance. 2. Garden ground well supplied with water (hortus irriguus). 3. Osier beds (salictum). 4. Olive plantations (oletum). 5. Meadows (prutum). 6. Corn land (campus frumenlarius). 7. Groves which might be cut for timber or fire-wood (sitva caedua). 8. Arbustum. This name was given to fields planted with trees in regular rows. Upon these vines were trained, and the open ground cultivated for corn or leguminous crops in the ordinary manner, an arrangement extensively adopted in Campania, and many other parts of Italy in modern times, but by no means conducive to good husbandry. 9. Groves yielding acorns, beech-mast, and chestnuts (glandaria silva). The fact that in the above scale, com land is placed below meadows may perhaps be regarded as an indication that, even in the time of Cato, agriculture was upon the decline among the Romans.

When waste land was to be reclaimed, the ordinary procedure was to root out the trees and brushwood (/ruteta), by which it might be encumbered, to remove the rocks and stones which would impede the labours of men and oxen, to destroy by fire or otherwise troublesome weeds, such as femi and reeds (JUices, junci), to drain off the superfluous moisture, to measure out the ground into fields of a convenient size, and to enclose these with suitable fences. The three last-mentioned processes alone require any particular notice, and we therefore subjoin a few words upon Drains, Land-measures, Fences.

Brains (fossae, sulci alreati, incilia) were of two kinds:—

1. Open (patentes). 2. Covered (caecae).

1. Fossae patentes, open ditches, alone were formed in dense and chalky soil. They were wide at top, and gradually narrowed in wedge fashion (imbricibus supinis similes) as they descended.

2. Fossae caecae, covered drains, or sivers as they are termed in Scotland, were employed where the soil was loose, and emptied themselves into the fossae patentes. They were usually sunk from three to four feet, were three feet wide at top and eighteen inches at bottom ; one half of the depth was filled up with small stones or sharp gravel (nuda glarea), and the earth which had been dug out, was thrown in above until the surface was level. Where stones or gravel could not readily be procured, green willow poles were introduced, crossing each other in all directions (quoquoversus), or a sort of rope was constructed of twigs twisted together so as to fit exactly into the bottom of the drain ; above this the leaves of some of the pine tribe were trodden down, and the whole covered up with earth. To prevent the apertures being choked by the falling down of the soil, the mouths were supported by two stones placed upright, and one across (utilissimum est ora etirum hints

uirimque lapidibus statuminari et alio siiperintegi). To carry off the surface-water from land under crop, open furrows (sulci aquarii, dices) were left at intervals, which discharged themselves into cross furrows (coUiquiae) at the extremities of the fields, and these again poured their streams into the ditches. (Cat 43. 155 ; Col. ii. 2. 8 ; xi. 2 ; Pallad. vL 3 ; Plin. //. A^. xviii. 6. 19. 26 j Virg. Georg. L113.)

Measures Op Land.—The measure employed for land in Latium was the jutjerum, which was a double actus quadratus, the actus quadratus, anciently called acna, or acnua, or ognua, being a square, whose side was 120 Roman feet. The subdivisions of the as were applied to the jugcrum, the lowest in use being the scripulum, a square whose side was ten feet 200 jugera formed a centuria, a term which is said to have arisen from the allotments of land made by Romulus to the citizens, for these being at the rate of 2 jugera to each man, 200 jugera would be assigned to every hundred men. Lastly, four centnriae made a saltus. We thus have the following table : —

1 scripulum =100 square feet, Roman measure. 144 scripula = 1 actus = 14,400 square feet

2 actus = 1 jugenim = 28,000 square feet 200 jugera = 1 centuria.

4 centuriae = 1 saltus.

Now, since three actus quadrati contained 4800 square yards, and since the English imperial acre contains 4840 square yards, and since the Roman foot was about § of an inch less than the imperial foot, it follows that the Roman juger was less than f of an imperial acre by about 500 square yards.

In Campania the mrasure for land was the wr&$ quadratut, a square whose side was 100 fret, the words actus and versus marking the ordharr length of furrow in the two regions. (Varr. A Jt. i 10, L. Z. IT. 4 ; Cos. T. 1 ; PUn. //. A. xriE 5.)

Fences (sepea, sepimenia) were of four kind*:—

1. Sepimentnm naturale-, the quickset hedge

(rim srpes).

2. Sepisnentam agreste^ a wooden paling made with upright stakes (pali) interlaced with brushwood (cirosltis implictitis)^ or having two or more enw-spors (amiln, lamntria} passed through holes drilled in the stakes, after the manner of what are aow termed fakes (pa/is lutis perforata et per ea fonmina trajecti* kmgurii* fere tnnim out ternis).

3. Sepxmentvm milittsre. consisting of a

(/tan) with the earth dtnr out and thrown up inside so as to form an embankment (agger), a fence ated chiefly along the sides of public roads or on the banks of rivers.

4. Sepimentum fabrUe, a wall which might be fanned either of stones (maceria), as in the vicinity of Tosmium, or of baked bricks as in the north of Italy, or of unbaked bricks as in Sabinum, or of masses of earth and stone pressed in between upright boards (n fbrmis), and hence termed fortticni. These last were common in Spain, in Africa, and near Tarentum, and were said to last for centuries uninjured by the weather. (Varr. i U ; PUn. H. N. xxxv. 14 ; comp. CoL r. 10, x. 3; Pallad. i_ 3-4; vi. 3.)

Finally, after the land had been drained, divided, and fenced, the banks which served as boundaries, and the road-sides were planted with trees, the ehn and the poplar being preferred, in order to secure a supply of leaves for the stock and timber for domestic use. (Cat. 6.)

L 6. Villa Rlstjca.

In erecting a house and offices, great importance was attached to the choice of a favourable position. The she selected was to be elevated rather than low, m order to secure good ventilation and to avoid all danger of exhalations from running or stagnant water ; under the brow of a hill, for the sake of shelter; facing the east so as to enjoy sunshine in winter and shade in summer ; near, but not too near to a stream, and with plenty of wood and pasture in the neighbourhood. The structures were to be strictly in proportion to the extent of the farm; for if too large, the original coat is heavy, and they must be kept in repair at a great expense ; if too small, the various products would run the risk of being injured by the want of proper receptacles (ita edifices ne villa fkmdwm qmaerai mete fundus villam, Cat. R. R. 3). The buildings were usually arranged round two courts, with a tank in the centre of each, and divided into three parts, named according to the purposes for which they were destined. 1. (Pars) Urbana. % (Pars) R^stica. 3. (Pars) Fructuaria.

I. Urbana. This comprehended that port of the building occupied by the master and his family, consisting of eating rooms (coenaHanes) and sleeping apartments (cvtncu/a), with different aspects &r summer and winter, baths (haJnearia), and porticoes or promenades (ambulationes). Columella recommend* that this portion of the mansion should be made as commodious as the means of the proprietor will permit, in order that he himself may be tempted to smend more time there, and that the

(blocks  in formation) to bear her husband company.

2. Rustico, This comprehended that part of the building occupied by the servants, consisting of a large and lofty kitchen (esuUna), to which they might at all tunes resort, baths (habeas) for their use on holidays, sleeping closets (ceflae) for the serri soluti, a gaol (erputulum) undrr ground for the sen* ssacii. In this division were included also the stables, byres, sheds, folds, courts, and enclosures of every description (staltula, fmltilia, septa, ovilia, corns*) for the working oxen (domiti bores), and other stock kept at home, together with a magazine or storehouse (aornaost) where all the implements of agriculture (omne rustieum instrumentum) were deposited, and within this, a lork-up room for the reception of the iron tools (ferramenta). In so far as the distribution of rooms was concerned, the overseer (vilficus) was to have his chamber beside the main entrance (Jomma), in order that he might observe all who came in or went out, the book-keeper (procurator) was to bo placed over the gate, that ha might watch the villicu* as well as the others, while the shepherds (opiliones), oxmen (fmlmlct), and such persons were to be lodged in the immediate vicinity of the animals under their charge.

3. Frudnaria. This comprehended that part of the building where the produce of the farm was preserved, consisting of the oil cellar (refla olearia), the press-house (cella torcularin), the vault f«r wines in the cask (cella tinaria), the boiling-room for inspissating must (ilrfrutaritt), all of which were on the ground floor, or a little dcprensed Inflow the level of the soiL Above were hay-lofts (foenilia), repositories for chaff, straw, leaves, and other fodder (palearia), granaries (horrea, naria), a drying-room for newly cut wood (fnmarium) in connection with the rustic hath flues, and store-rooms (a/*>Meeor) for wine in the amphora, some of which communicated with the fumarium, while others received the jars whose contents had been sufficiently mellowed by the influence of heat.

In addition to the conveniences enumerated above, a mill and bake house (pistrinum et furnum) were attached to every establishment ; nt least two open tanks (piscinae, locus sub dio), one for the cattle and geese, the other for steeping lupines, osiers, and objects reuuirimr maceration ; and, where there was no river or spring available, covered reservoirs (cistcmae suit tertis) into which rain water was conveved for drinking and culinary purposes. (Cat. 3, 4, 14 ; Varr. L 11—14 ; Cot L 6 ; Oeopon. if 3.)


The instrumenta employed to cultivate the ground were two-fold : a. Persons (homines) ; b. Aids to human toil ('uhninicula ttominum), namely, oxen and other animals employed in work ; together with tools (instruments), in the restricted sense of the word.

II. a. Homines. The men employed to cultivate a farm might be either, 1. free labourers (operarii), or 2. slaves (serri).

1. Free laljourers. Cato considers the facility of procuring persons of this description, whom in one place he calls mercenarii politores, as one of the

circumstances that ought to weigh with a purchaser in making choice of a farm ; for although a large proportion of the work upon great estates was, during the later ages at least of the Roman republic, always performed by slaves, it was considered advantageous to employ hirelings for those operations where a number of hands were required for a limited period, as in hay-making, the corn harvest, and the vintage, or, according to the cold-blooded recommendation of Varro, in unhealthy situations where slaves would have died off fast, entailing a heavy loss on their owner. Operant consisted either of poor men with thenfamilies, who were hired directly by the farmer, or of gangs (conductitiae liberorum operue) who entered into an engagement with a contractor (meroenarius), who in his turn bargained with the farmer for some piece of work in the slump, or lastly, of persons who had incurred debt which they paid off in work to their creditors. This, which was an ordinary practice in the earlier ages of the Roman republic, seems in later times to have been confined to foreign countries, being common especially in Asia and Illyria. Free labourers worked under the inspection of an overseer (prospectus), whose zeal was stimulated by rewards of different kinds.

2. Slaves (sera'). Rustic slaves were divided into two great classes, those who were placed under no direct personal restraint (scrci soluti), and those who worked in fetters (sera' vincti) when abroad, and when at home were confined in a kind of prison (ergastulum), where they were guarded and their wants supplied by a gaoler (ergastularius). Slaves, moreover, in large establishments, were ranked in bodies according to the duties which they were appointed to perform, it being a matter of obvious expediency that the same individuals should be regularly employed in the same tasks. Hence there were the ox-drivers (bubulci), who for the most part acted as ploughmen also (aratores), the stable-men (jugarU), who harnessed the domestic animals and tended them in their stalls, the vine-dressers (vinitores), the leaf-strippers (frondatorts), the ordinary labourers (mediastim), and many other classified bodies. These, according to their respective occupations worked either singly, or in small gangs placed under the charge of inspectors (magistri operum). When the owner (dominus) did not reside upon the property and in person superintend the various operations in progress, the whole farming establishment was under the control of a general overseer (milieus, actor), himself a slave or freedman, who regulated the work, distributed food and clothing to the labourers, inspected the tools, kept a regular account of the stock, performed the stated sacrifices, bought what was necessary for the use of the household, and sold the produce of the form, for which he accounted to the proprietor, except on very extensive estates where there was usually a book-keeper (procurator) who managed the pecuniary transactions, and held the villicus in check. With the villicus was associated a female companion (coutubernalis mulier) called vUiica, who took charge of the female slaves, and the indoor details of the family. The duties and qualifications of a villicus will be found enumerated in Cat c 5, and Colum. i. 8 ; comp. Geopon. ii. 44, 45.

The food of the slaves composing the household

(/amilia) was classed under three heads, 1. CiLaria. 2. Vinum. 3. Pulmentarium.

1. Cibaria. The ami mmptditi, being kept constantly in confinement, received their food in the shape of bread at the rate of 4 pounds (Roman pound = 11} Hi. avoirdupois) per diem in winter, and 5 pounds in summer, until the figs came in, when they went back to 4 pounds. The sent soluti received their food in the shape of corn, at the rate of 4 modii (pecks) of wheat per month in winter, and 4| in summer. Those persons, such as the villicus, the viliica, and the shepherd (opilio), who had no hard manual labour to perform, were allowed about one fourth less.

2. Vinum. The quantity of wine allowed varied much according to the season of the year, and the severity of the toil imposed, but a serxms solutus received about 8 amphorae (nearly 48 imperial gallons) a year, and a serous compeditus about 10 amphorae, besides lora (see Vinum) at discretion for three months after the vintage.

3. Pulmentarium. As pulmcntaria they received olives which had fallen from the trees (ofeae ca~ dueae), then those ripe olives (oleae tempestwae), from which the least amount of oil could be expressed, and, after the olives were all eaten up, salt fish (kalec), and vinegar (acetum). In addition to the above, each individual was allowed a sextarius (very nearly an imperial pint) of oil per month, and a modius of salt per annum.

The clothing (vestimenta) of the rustic labourers was of the most coarse description, but such as to protect them effectually from cold and wet, enabling them to pursue their avocations in all weathers. It consisted of thick woollen blanket shirts (tunicas), skin coats with long sleeves (pelles manicatae), cloaks with hoods (saga cucullata, cuculiones), patch-work wrappers (centimes) made out of the old and ragged garments, together with strong sabots or wooden shoes (eculponeae). A tunic was given every year, a sagum and a pair of sculponeae every other year.

The number of hands required to cultivate a farm, depended almost entirely on the nature of the crops.

An arable farm of 200 jugers where the ordinary crops of corn and leguminous vegetables were raised required two pairs of oxen, two bubulci and six ordinary labourers, if free from trees, but if laid out as an arbustum, three additional hands.

An olive garden of 240 jugers required three pairs of oxen, three asses for carrying manure (asini ornati clitcUarii), one ass for turning the mill, five score of sheep, a villicus, a viliica, five ordinary labourers, three bubulci, one ass-driver (asinarius), one shepherd (opilio), one swineherd (subulcus); in all twelve men and one woman.

A vineyard of 100 jugers required one pair of oxen, one pair of draught asses (asini plostrarii), one mill ass (asinus malaris), a villicus, a viliica, one bubulcus, one asinarius, one man to look after the plantations of willows used for withes (saliclarius), one subulcus, ten ordinary labourers; in all fifteen men and one woman. (Cat 5, 56—59, 10, 11; Voir. L 19 ; Colum. i. 7, 8, ii 12.)

In what has been said above, we have assumed that the proprietor was also the farmer, but it was by no means uncommon to let (locare) land to a tenant (politor, partiarius, Cat j colonus, Varr. Colum.), who paid his rent either in money (pensio ; ad pecunium numeratam conduxit), as seems to hare bees the practice when Columella wrote, or br noting over to the landlord a fixed proportion of the produce (mom mmmrno ted partibum loeare\ aceording to the system described by Cato, and alluded to by the younger Pliny. These colons wmetimes tilled the same farm from father to ton for ten-rations (colomi ustfoenae), and such were considered the most desirable occupant*, since they had a sort of hereditary interest in the soil, while oe the other hand frequent changes could scarcely tail to prove injurious. The worst tenants were those who did not cult irate in person, but, living k towns (uriaMUt ccjlanms}^ employed gangs of slaves. Upon the whole Columella recommends the owner of an estate to keep it in his own hands, except when it is very barren, the climate unhealthy, or the distance from his usual place of abode M great that he can seldom be upon the snot. Cato gives a table of the proportion which Uit parHariu* ought to pay, according to the nature of the crop, and the fertility of the region ; but as he says nothing with regard to the manner in which the cost of cultivation was divided between the parties, his statement gives us no practical insight into the nature of these leases (Cat. 136, 137 ; Coram, i. 7, Plin. Epp. ix. 37, camp. iii. 19.)

1L 6. Adminicula Homivcm. The domestic animals employed in labour, and their treatment will be considered under the second great division of our subject, Pastioy or the management of stock.

The tools {instrumental chiefly used by the farmer were the plough (aratrttm\ the grubber (irpftr), harrows (crates,crates dentatae), the rake (rostrum), the spade (&£o, poia), the hoe (sares/sm, Udens, narra (?)),the spud or weeding-hook (nuw»), the scythe and sickle (faLx\ the thrashing-machine (plostdlsm Poesdcmuu, tribul*m\ the cart (p/osrrsss), the axe (tccuris, dolabru). These will be as we go along in so far as may be to render our observations intelligible, all information the reader must consult the separate articles devoted to each of the above

III. The Operations or Agricdltcre.

The most important operations performed by the -1. Ploughing (aratio). 2. Mario). 3. Sowing (tatio). 4. Harrow; (oecorw). 5. Hoeing (tarritio). 6. Weeding (rwsea6o). 7. Reaping (nusmno). 8. Thrashing (tritnra). 9. Winnowing (vtntilatio). 10. Storing up (conditio).

The Flam en who offered sacrifice on the Cereal ia to Ceres and Tellus, invoked twelve celestial patrons of these labours by the names Vervactor; HeparoJtjr ; Impordtor; Insiior; Obarator ; Occator ; SarrUor ; Smbrumcator ; Messor ; Connector ; Condolor; Pronutor; significant appellations which will be dearly understood from what follows. The functions of the last deity alone do not tall within our limits ; bat we shall add another to the list in the person of SUrcutius. (Serv. ad Virg. Ceorp. L 21: Plin. H. N. xvii. 9 ; Lactant L 20; Macrob. Sat. i 7; Prudent Peristeph. iii. 449; August in, itCDmixtm. 15.)

1. Ploughing (aratio). The number of times that land was ploughed, wjiag from two to nine, as well as the season at


which ths work was performed, depended upon the nature of the soil and the crop for which it was prepared. The object of ploughing being to keep down weeds, to pulverise the earth as finely mm possible (Virg. (bvra. ii. 204), and to expose every portion of it in turn to the action of the atmosphere, the operation was repeated again and again (Virg. Georq. i. 47), until these objects were fully attained. When stiff low -lying soil (rumpus mtun■ nosus) was broken up for wheat, it was usual to plough it four times, first (proscimierm) as early in spring as the weather would permit (Virg. Gm*y. L 63), after which the land was termed rrrvadum^ and hence the god Verracior ; for the second time (oyTrwtoere, t/rrure, vervocta sut*u/erv\ a Unit the summer solstice, under the patronage of the god /ieparator^ and on this occasion the field was crossploughed (Virg. dean), i. 97); for the third tuns (tertiare)^ at tout the beginning of September; and for the fourth time, shortly before tin* equinox, when it was ribbed (Urart) for the reception of the seed, the ribbing being executed under favour of the god Imxporcuor, by adding two mouldUnrds to the plough (aratrum auritmm)% one on each side of the share. (Varr. L 29; PaUad. L 43.) Rich soil on sloping ground was ploughed three times only, the ploughing in spring or at the beginning of September being omitted ; light (en/is) moist soil also three times, at the end of August, early in SeptcmlxT, and about the equinox; whilst the poorest hill soil was ploughed twice in rapid succession, early in Scptcml>er, so that the moisture might not be dried up by the summer heat, (Virg. (ieory. i. 70.)

The greatest care was taken not to plough ground that had been rendered miry by rain, nor that which after a long drought had Ui-n wetted by showers which had not penetrated beyond the surface (Col. ii. 4 ; Pallad. ii. 3); but whether this last is really the terra cariona of Cato, as Columella seems to think, is bv no means clear. (Cat T. 34 ; comp. Plin. H. N. xrii. 5.)

With regard to the depth to which the share was to be driven, we have no very previse directions; but Columella recommends generally deep ploughing (ii. 2. §23; comp Plin. //. A*, x\ iii. 16) in preference to mere scratching (trarifictiiio) with light shares (esiguis vumerxliut et drntulthus).

The plough was almost invariably drawn by oxen, although Homer (//. x. 351; Od. viii. 124) prefers mules, yoked close together in such a manner as to pull by their necks and not by ths horns, guided and stimulated chiefly by the voice. The lash was used very sparingly, and the young steer was never pricked by the goad (srVma/iu), since it was apt to render him restive and unmanageable. The animals were allowed to rest at the end of each furrow, but not to stop in tho middle of it: when unharnessed, they were carefully rubbed down, allowed to cool, and watered, before they were tied up in the stall, their mouths having been previously washed with wine. (CoL ii. 2.)

The ploughman (bubulnis) was required to mako perfectly straight and uniform furrows (sulco vario ne ares), so close to each other as altogether to obliterate the mark of the share, and was particularly cautioned against missing over any portion of the ground, and thus leaving scamna, that is, masses of hard unstirred earth (neculn cntdum solum et immotum relinquat^ quod agruxJae scumnum rooan€)t The normal length of a furrow was 120 feet, and this is the original import of the word actus. A distinction is drawn between versus and versura, the former being properly the furrow, the latter the extremity of the furrow, or the turning point; but this is far from being strictly observed. (Col. it 5. §§ 27, 28.)

Four days were allowed for the four ploughings of a juger of rich low-lying land (jugerum talis agri quatuor operis expeditur). The first ploughing (proscissio) occupied two days, the second (iteratio) one day, the third (tcrtiatio (■')) three fourths of a day, and ribbing for the seed one fourth of a day (in tiram saium redujitur quadrunte operae). The same time is allowed for the three ploughings of rich upland soil (ooUes pintjuis soli) as for the four ploughings of the uliginosus campus, the fatigue being much greater, although the difficulties presented by the acclivity were in some measure relieved by ploughing hills in a slanting direction, instead of straight up and down. (Cat. 61 ; Varr. L 27. 29; Col. it 2, 4 ; Plin. H. .V. xviii 19, 20. 26; Pallad. i 6, ii. 3, viii. 1, x. 1 ; Geopon. ii. 23; and comp. Horn. IL xiii. 704; xviii, 370. 540; Od, v. 127.)

2. Manuring (stcrcoratio).

Manure (jimus, stercus). The manure chiefly employed was the dung of birds and of the ordinary domestic animals (stercus cotumbinum, bubu/«m, oviUum, caprinum, suillum, equinum, asininum, &c). This differed considerably in quality, according to the source from which it was procured ; and hence those who raised different kinds of crops are enjoined to keep the different sorts of dung Beparate, in order that each might be applied in the most advantageous manner. That derived from pigeon-houses (columbariis), from aviaries where thrushes were fattened (ar uviariis turdorum et merularum), and from birds in general, except water-fowl, was considered as the hottest and most powerful, and always placed apart, being sown by the hand exactly as we deal with guano at the present moment The ancient writers very emphatically point out the necessity of procuring large supplies of manure, which the Romans regarded as under the'especial patronage of a god named Sfercutiusy and farmers were urged to collect straw, weeds, leaves of all sorts, hedge clippings, and tender twigs, which were first used to litter the stock, and then, when mixed with ashes, sweepings of the house, road-scrapings, and filth of every description, served to swell the dunghills (stertjuilinia). These were at least two in number, one being intended for immediate use, the other for the reception of fresh materials, which were allowed to remain for a year; dung, when old and well rotted, being accounted best for all purposes, except for top-dressing of meadows, when it was used as fresh as possible. The dunghills were formed on ground that had been hollowed out and beaten down or paved, so that the moisture might not escape through the soil, and they were covered over with brushwood or hurdles to prevent evaporation. In this way the whole mass was kept constantly moist, and fermentation was still further promoted by turning it over very frequently and incorporating the different parts.

The particular crops to which manure was chiefly applied will be noticed hereafter ; but in so far as regards the time of application it was laid down in

September or October, on the ground that was to be autumn sown ; and in the course of January or February, on the ground that was to be spring sown. A full manuring (stercoratto) for a juger of land on an upland slope (quod spissius sterooratur) was 24 loads (veJies), each load being 80 modii or pecks ; while for low-lying land (quod rarius sterooratur) 18 loads were considered sufficient The dung was thrown down in small heaps of the bulk of five modii, it was then broken small, was spread out equally and ploughed in instantly that it might not be dried up by the rays of the sun, great care being taken to perform these operations when the moon was waning, and if possible with a west wind. According to the calculations of Columella, the livestock necessary for a farm of two hundred jugers ought to yield 1440 loads per year ; that is, enough for manuring 60 jugers at the rate of 24 loads to the juger. In what proportions this was distributed is nowhere very clearly defined, and must necessarily have varied according to circumstances. If we take two statements of Cato in connection with each other, we shall be led to conclude that he advises one half of the whole manure made upon a farm to be applied to the raising of green crops used as fodder (pabulum), one-fourth to the top-dressing of meadows, and the remaining fourth to the olives and fruit-trees. Columella recommends the manuring of light soil (cxilis terra) before the second ploughing ; but when rich lands were summer fallowed previous to a corn crop, no manure was considered requisite. (Horn. Od. xvii. 297, Thoophrast n. *. A. iii. 25; Cat 5, 7, 29, 36, 37, 61 ; Varr. i. 13, 38; Colum. ii. 5, 6, 9, 10, 14, 15, xi. 2 ; Pallad. L 33, x. i; Cic. de Senect. 15 ; Plin. H.N, xvii. 9, xviii. 19,23; Geopon. ii. 21, 22.)

The system of manuring by penning and feeding sheep upon a limited space of ground was neither unknown n«r neglected, as we perceive from the precepts of Cato (30), Varro (ii. 2. § 12), and Pliny (//. N. xviii. 53), all of whom recommend the practice.

The ashes obtained by burning weeds, bushes, primings, or any Bort of superfluous wood, were found to have the best effect (Virg. Geory. i. 81 ; Coluin. it 15; Plin. xvii. 9; Geopon. xii. 4), and sometimes, as we know from Virgil (Gcoty. i. 84), it was deemed profitable to set fire to the stubble standing in the fields. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 30.) Caustic lime was employed as a fertiliser by some of the tribes of Transalpine Gaul in the time of Pliny, but in Italy its application seems to have been very limited and to have been confined to vines, olives, and cherry-trees. (Cat. 38 ; Pallad. i. 6; Plin. H.N. xvii. 9, xviii. 25, 30.)

Marl also (maraa) of different kinds was known to the Greeks, was applied by the Megarcnses to wet cold lands, and was extensively employed in Gaul and Britain ; but not being found in Italy, did not enter into the agricultural arrangements of the Latins. Pliny devotes several chapters to an elaborate discussion upon these earths, of which he describes various sorts which had been made the subject of experiment, classifying them according to theu* colour, their constitution, and their qualities ; the white (o/6c), the red (rw/u), the dovecoloured (colnmbina), the clayey (argillacea), the sandy (arenacea), the stony (tophacca), the fat (pitujuis), and the caustic (?) (a$y>cra). Some of them we recognise at once, as for example, the fat white clayey marl chiefly used in Britain, the ofuitr use 01 iii>ii 1 was uic

led by Theophrastusand by Pliny, of combining j existed in excess, with

ferts of which were believed to endure for eighty rears. (Plia. II. N. xvii. 5, 8 ; com p. V arm, i. 7, Is (Pitfij Tramsalpma tufas ad J{ho*um aliquot m&mes access* .. . mid agros Mtercorareni Candida fj&kia creta.)

Some*-hat analogous to the use of marl was the ivstem strongly recon Olemella, bat conde foil* in which some quality those possessing opposite characters — dry gravel with chalky clay, or heavy wet loam with sand,— the object being frequently attained to a certain extent by subsoil ploughing, which was greatly approved of as a means of renovating fields exhausted t>v severe cropping. (Tbeopkrast, TL ♦. A. Hi. 25 ; Colum. iL 15; Plin. H. N. Xttl 5.)

Wh n ordinary manures could not be procured in sufficient quantity, a scheme was resorted to wbieh was at one time pursued in this country, acd is sriD adopted with consideraMr success in manv parts of Italy and in the sandy tracts of southern France. The field was sown about the middle of September with beans or lupines, which were ploughed into the ground the following spring, in all cases before the pod was fully formed, and at an earlier stage of their growth on light than on stiff soils. Nay, many crops, such as beans, peas, rapines, vetches, lentils (ercilia, cieenia), even when allowed to come to maturity, were supposed to exercise an ameliorating influence, provided their roots were immediately buried by the plough, although perhaps in this case thebenenciai effect may have resulted from the manure applied before they were sown. On the other baEd, corn in general, poppies, fenugreek, and all crop* pulled up by the roots, such as cicer and flax, w?re supposed to exhaust (nrere) the soil, which then required either repose or manure to restore its pc-wers- (Theophrast. n. A. viii. 0; Cat. 37 ; Varr. i. 23 ; Comm. ii. ) 3—15, xi. 2; Pallad. i. 6, vi 4, x. 9; Plin. H. A', xvii. 9, xviii. 10.14— 16.)

3. Sowing (satio)

Mar be considered under three heads. 1. The time of sowing. 2- The mami>T of sowing. 3. The choice, pre paration, and quantity of the seed.

1. The seed-time (semeniis) Kot1 f£oxi*', commenced at the autumnal equinox, and ended fifteen aay* before the winter solstice. Few, however, bf^an before the setting of the Pleiades (23d October), unless on cold wet ground, or in those localities where bad weather set in soon ; indeed, it was an old proverb that, while a late sowing often disappointed the hopes of the husbandman, an early one never realised them {matunvn sationcn saepe decipcre solere, seram nnmquam tfuin mala sit) ; and the Virgilian maxim is to the same purpose. Spring sowing (trimestris satio) was practised only in very deep stiff land, which would admit of being cropped for several years in succession (restildlis ager), or where, from peculiar circumstances connected with the situation or cb'mate, such as the great indent ney of the winters, it was impossible for the farmer to sow in autumn ; and hence, generally speaking, was resorted to very sparingly, and for the most part from necessity rather than inclination.

2. We can infer from incidental notices in agricvhuml writers, that the seed was committed to the ground in at least three different modes. a. The seed was

upon a flat surface finely

pulverised by the plough and ! covered up by ribbing the land (tertio t Jacto 8EMINB, fores Hraes dieuntur). (Voir. i. 29; comp. Colum. iL 13.)

6. The land was ribbed, the teed was then dropped upon the tops of the tine or elevated ridges, according to our fashion for turnips, Lia^a anion rustic* meruit ronton porcas cum tic aratum est, mi inter duos latins distantes sulcus, medius cumulus siccam sedem frumentis praebsaL (Colum. ii. 4. % 8.) This plan was followed on wet land to secure a dry bed for the seed, which would probably be covered up by hand-rakes (rastris).

e. The land was rihltcd ns in the former case ; but the seed, instead of being dropped upon the ridge of the lira, was cast into the depression of the furrow, and might be covered up either by the harrow or by ploughing down the middle of the lira. This was practised on light, sloping, and therefore dry, land (uojue in lira sed suit wulco talis oyer seminamdus est, Colum. ii. 4. % 11).

It will be seen clearly that, whichever of the above modes was adopted, the seed would ■pring up in regular rows, as if sown by a drill, and that only one half of the land would be covered with seed. In point of fact, the quantity of s«-ed sown on a given extent of ground was not above half of what we en.ploy.

Vetches, fenugreek, and some other crop*, as will be noticed below, were frequently thrown npon land unprepared (crwltt terra), and the seeds then ploughed in. The seed seems to have been cast out of a three-peck lusket (trimoduim satoriam, sc eortem), which from superstitious motives) was frequently covered over with the skin of a hyaena. Pliny points out how necessary it was that the hand of the sower should keep time with his stride, in order that he might scatter the grains with perfect uniformity.

3. The points chiefly attended to in the choice of seed corn were, that it should be perfectly fresh and free from mixture or adulteration, and of an uniform reddish colour throughout its sutatanee. When the crop was reaped, the largest and finest ears were selected by the hand, or, where the produce was so great as to render this impossible, the heaviest grains were sejioratcd by a sieve (qnidquid e-rtcratur otpittrrio cJjiurrjandum erit) and reserved. In addition to these precautions it was not unusual to doctor seeds of oil sorts (rnetliotre semina) by sprinkling them with on alkaline liquor (nitrum, L e. probably carbonate of soda), or with the deposit left by newly expressed oil (amurca), or by steeping them in various preparations, of which several are enumerated by Columella and Pliny ; the object U*ing twofold, in the first place to increase the quantity and quality of the produce, and in the second place to protect it from the ravages of vermin, especially the little animal called curculio, probably the same insect with our weevil.

The quantity of seed sown varied according to the soil, the situation, the season, and the weather, the general rule being that less was required for rich and finely pulverised {pingue ei putre), or light and sharp (t/raci/e), or thin poor soil (inacrum, exile) than for such as was stiff and heavy (crassum, cretosum), or moderately tenacious ; less for an open field than for an ariwstum, less at the beginning of the season than towards the close (although this is contradicted by Pliny, //. N. xviiL 24), and leu in rainy than in dry weather, maxims which are fully explained by the authorities quoted below. The average amount of seed used for the three principal species of grain — wheat, spelt and barley—was respectively, five, ten, and six modii per jtiger. (Xenoph. Oecon. 17; Theophrast ii. 6. and lii. 25 ; Cat. 34, 35 ; Varr. i. 29, 34, 40, 52 ; Colum. ii. 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, xii. 2 ; Pallad. i. 6, 34, x. 2 ; Virg. Georg. i. 193, 219, 225 ; Plin. H. N. xiv. 21, xvi. 27, xviii. 24,73; Geopon. ii. 15—20.)

4. Harrowing (occatio)

Might be performed at two different periods: after the first or second ploughing, in order to powder the soil completely ; and after sowing, in order to cover up the seed. When the land was encumbered with roots and deep-seated weeds, a grubber (irpex, Cat. 10. Varr. L. L. iv. 31) formed of a strong plank set with iron spikes was employed, but in ordinary cases wicker hurdles (vimineae crates), sometimes fitted with teeth (dentatae), were dragged over the ground ; or the clods were broken with hand-rakes (rostra). The seed, as we have seen above, being for the most part ploughed in, and the operation for that reason placed under the patronage of a god Obaraior, the second harrowing (itcratio) was omitted, except where the surface still rose in lumps (Virg. Georg. i. 104) ; but since it was the duty of a good farmer to have his fields in the best order before he began to sow, the older Roman writers considered harrowing after sowing as a proof of bad husbandry.—" Veteres Romani dixerunt male subactum agrum, qui satis fmgibus occandus sit." (Colum. il 4, 13, xi. 2 ; Plin. H.N. xviii. 20 ; Virg. Georg. i. 94, 104.)

5. Hoeing (sarritio). The next care, after covering up the seed, was to loosen the earth round the roots of the young blades, in order that air and moisture might gain free access and enable them to send forth more numerous and more vigorous shoots and fibres (ut fruiicare possint). This process was termed CKaXfia, sarritio, or sarculaiio, and was carried on by hand with an instrument called sarculum, the form of which is not known. Corn was usually hoed twice, for the first time in winter, as soon as it fairly covered the ground (cum sate sulcos contcxerint), provided there was no frost; and for the second time in spring, before the stalk became jointed (antequam seges in articulum cat) ; great care being taken at all times not to injure the root On the first occasion, and then only, where the ground was dry and the situation warm, the plants, in addition to a simple hoeing (plana sarritio), were earthed up (adobruerc). Columella recommends sarritio for almost all crops, except lupines; but authorities differed much as to the necessity or propriety of performing the operation in any case, and those who advocated its expediency most warmly, agreed that the periods at which it ought to be executed, and the number of times that it ought to be repeated, must depend upon the soil, climate, and a variety of special circumstances. (Cat 37; Varr. i. 18, 29, 36 ; Colum. ii. 11, xi. 2 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 21, 26 ; Geopon. ii 24 ; com p. Plaut Capt. iii. 5. 3 ; Virg. Georg. i. 155.)

6. Weeding (runcatio). Hoeing was followed by weeding (/Jorarioyuir,

runcatio), which in the case of grain crops took place immediately before they began to blossom, or immediately after the flower had passed awarThe weeds were either pulled up by the roota (evulsis inutilibus herbii), or cut over with a billhook, which Palladius terms runco. (Cat 37 ; Varr. i. 30 ; Colum. it 11, xi. 2 ; Pallad. L sub. fin. ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 21 ; Geopon. ii. 24.)

But after the farmer had laboured with unremitting zeal in cleaning and pulverising the soil, in selecting and medicating the seed, in hoeing the young blades, and in extirpating the common noxious weeds (lolium, tritmli, lappae, cardui, rubi, arena), the safety of the crop was threatened by a vast number of assailants (rain variae iUudant pistes) ; such as worms of various kinds (vermiculi) attacking both root and ear, caterpillars (uricae), spiders (phaiangia), snails (limaces, cochleae), mice (mures), moles (talpae), and the whole race of birds, besides which, each kind of plant was believed to have its own special vegetable enemy, which, if not carefully watched, would spring up, choke, and destroy it The most formidable of these pests are enumerated by Pliny (H. N. xviii. 17), who proposes sundry precautions and remedies, of which many are ridiculous superstitions. But the foe dreaded above all others in the vineyard and the cornfield was a peculiar blight or mildew termed robigo, which wrought such havoc in damp low-lying situations that it was regarded as a manifestation of wrath on the part of a malignant spirit, whose favour the rustic sought to propitiate by the annual festival of the Robigalia. (hobi)


Another danger of an opposite description arose from the grain shooting up so rapidly that the stalk was likely to become immoderately long and weak. The danger in this case was averted by pasturing down the too luxuriant herbage with sheep (liururiem seyetum tenera depasdt in hcrba), or by dragging over it an iron-toothed harrow (cratU et hoc genus dentatae stUis ferreis), by which it was said to be combed (pectinari). (Plin. H. N. xviii. 17- 21; Virg. Georg. i. 161.)

7. Heaping (messio).

The corn was reaped as soon as it had acquired a uniform yellow tint, without waiting until it had become dead ripe, in order to avoid the loss sustained by shaking, and by the ravages of animals. The necessity of pursuing this course with regard to barley, is especially insisted upon ; but is quite at variance with modern practice. (Colum. ii. 9.)

Varro describes three distinct methods of reaping (tria genera messionis).

1. That followed in Umbria, where the stalk was shorn close to the ground with a hook (Jalx); each handful was laid down ; and when a number of these had accumulated, the ears were cut off, thrown into baskets (corbes), and sent to the thrashing-floor, the straw (stramentum) being left upon the field, and afterwards gathered into a heap.

2. That followed in Picenum, where they used a small iron saw (serrula ferrea) fixed to the extremity of a crooked wooden handle (lignenm incurmim bat Mum) ; with this they laid hold of a bundle of ears which were cut off, the straw being left standing to be mown subsequently.

3. That followed in the vicinity of Rome and

nest otter places, where tie stalks were grasped in the left hand and cut at half their height from the ground, the whole of the portion detached being conveyed in basket* to the thrashing-floor, and the part left standing being eat afterwards.

The last two methods only are particularly noticed by Columella, who describes the instruments employed in the second under the names of pectine* and svnTt (as ? j (mnki merga, alii peetimibut saism sjsawss fegtud); and those employed in the third as falea vericmlaJae (mmlti /aieitmt veriemlatis, •jsqxe iis re/ rostratU vel deuticulatit medium culmum mxamt) ; a series of terms which hare never been very satisfactorily explained. In addition to the above, Pliny and Palladius describe a reapingmachine worked by oxen, which was much used is the extensive level plains of the Gaul*. Virgil (Geary, i. 316), perhaps, alludes to binding up the cnra in sheafs; but his words are not so clear span this point as those of Homer in the charming picture of a harvest-field contained in the eighteenth book of the Iliad. (Varr. L SO; Colum. S. 20; Plin. //. N. xviii. 30 ; Pal lad. viL 2 ; Geopon. ii 25; comp. Horn. IL xi. 67, xviii, 550.)

8. Thrashing (triiura).

After the crop had been properly dried and hardened (tamfa\cta) by exposure to the sun, it vras conveyed to the thrashing-floor (SAsn, AAaff/, or aXarq. area). This was an open space, on some elevated spot over which the wind had free course, of a areolar form, slightly raised in the centre to allow moisture to run oft The earth was compressed by heavy rollers (grari cjtiudro, molari lapide\ pounded with rammers (paviculu), and reduced to a solid consistency with clay and chaff, so as to present an even unyielding surface; or, better still, paved with hard stones. Here the com was spread out and beaten with flails (bandit atrvfanc fiut&mt cwlrrr^ prrticw ftatjejiii re); or more commonly, except when the ears alone had been brought from the field, trodden out (exterere) by the feet of a number of men or horses, who were driven backwards and forwards within the ring. To produce the effect more easily and more perfectly, the cattle were frequently yoked to a machine (trilm6vm, trAtda, frt&iea, traka), consisting of a board made rough by attaching to it stones or pieces of iron, and loaded with some heavy weight; or, what was termed a Punic wain (ploeteUum Poenicum) was employed, being a set of toothed rollers covered with planks, on which sat the driver who guided the team.

Attached to the area was a huge shed or halfenclosed bam (nuoilarium), of sufficient dimensions to contain the whole crop. Here the com was dried in unfavourable seasons before being thrashed, and hither it was hurriedly conveyed for shelter when the harvest work was interrupted by any sudden storm. (Cat. 91, 129; Varr. i. 13, 51, 52) Colum. L 6, ii. 19; Pallad. i. 36, viii. 1 j Plin. H. A", xviii. 29, 30; Horn. II. xiii. 588 ; xx. 495 ; xxi. 77; Virg. Georg. i. 178; Geopon. ii. 26.)

9. Wiiauncing (ventilatio).

When the grain was mixed with chaff, it was bud down in small piles upon the area, in order tint the lighter particles might be borne away by the pairing breeze ; but when the wind was not K&ciendT strong, it became necessary to winnow (nattikrc) it This was effected by a labourer

(\utfnrrtp, ventilator) who tossed it up from a sieve (raaaas, capimterimm) or shovel (mm, n-a/iMnm i, when the heavy portion fell down in a heap, and the chaff floated off through the air. When it was intended to keep the corn for any length of time, it was common to repeat the process (repuryarr, repalin), that it might be thoroughly cleaned. (Varr. L 52; Colum. ii. 9. 20; comp. 'Horn. //. v. 499; xiii. 588.)

10. Pretrrvariom of Corn (de /rumemto mrrvamdo).

After the com had been thrashed out and winnowed, or at least the ears separated from the stalk, the next care was to store up (eomden) the gruin in fitting repositories (gramaria, korrru). The great object in view being to preserve it from becoming mouldy or rotten, and to protect it from the ravages of vermin, especially the weevil (nsrea/io), we find that very great diversity of opinion eiiited as to the means by which those ends might best tie attained. By some the store-houses were built with brick walls of great thickness, for the purpose, it would seem, of securing a uniform temperature, and had no window or aperture, except a hole in the roof, through which they were filled. Others, again, raised these structures aloft on wooden columns, and allowed currents of air to pass through on all sides and even from Mow; while others admitted particular winds only, such, namely, as were of a drying character. Many plastered the walls with a sort of hard stucco worked up with amurca, which was believed to act as a safeguard Against vermin, while others considered the use of lime under any form as decidedly injurious. These and many different opinions, together with receipts for various preparations wherewith to sprinkle the com, will be found detailed in the authorities cited below, among whom Pliny very sensibly observes that the principal consideration ought to be the condition of the grain itself when housed ; since, if not perfectly dry, it must of necessity breed mischief. In many countries, as in Thrace, Cappadocia, Spain, and Africa, the com was laid up in pits (ktxjjum) sunk in a perfectly dry soil and well lined with chaff, a practice now extensively adopted in Tuscany. Wheat in the ear (cum rpica ma) might, according to Varro, if the air was excluded, be preserved in such receptacles for fifty years, and millet for an hundred. (Cat. 92 ; Varr. i. 57 ; Colum. i. 6 ; Pallad. i. 19 ; Plin. //. X. xviii. 30; Geopon. ii. 27—31.)

IV. Cuors.

Crops, as already remarked, may be divided into four classes:—1. Grain or com crops. 2. Leguminous crops, or pulse. 3. Cropscut green for forage. 4. Crops which supplied the raw materials for the textile fabrics. VVe might extend the number of classes did we purpose to trtat of certain plants, such as poppies (papaperu) and wrtamum, raised to a small extent only, And confined to particular localities ; but our limits do not permit us to embrace so wide a field of inquiry.

In addition to the above, much attention was devoted to what may be termed secondary crops; those, namely, which did not afford directly food or clothing for man or benst, but which were required in order to facilitate the cultivation and collection of the primary crops. Thus, beds of willows (sn/i'rtii) for Uiskets and withes, and of K 3

reeds (arundineta) for vine-props, were frequently in favourable situations very profitable, just as land in certain districts of Kent yields a large return when planted with young chestnuts for hop-poles.

1. Corn Crops (Jrumenta).

The word applied in a general sense to denote what we now call ** the cereal grasses" was frumenta ; but of these wheat being by far the most important, it is not wonderful that the term in question should be employed frequently to denote wheat specially, and occasionally in such a manner as to exclude other kinds of grain, as when Pliny remarks, u calamus altior lrumento quam hordeo," meaning " in wheat the stalk is longer than in barley." The only fmmenta which it will be necessary for us to consider particularly in this place are —

a. TWrtcumand Far; b. Hordcum; c. Panicum and MUium.

a. Triticum and Far. No one entertains any doubt that triticum (irvpbs in Greek, and by the later writers fflroy) \b the generic name for the grain which we denominate wlunit; but when we proceed to examine the different species or varieties, we are involved in many difficulties, for the botanical descriptions transmitted to us by the ancients are in all cases so imperfect, and in many instances so directly at variance with each other, that it becomes almost impossible to identify with certainty the objects to which they refer, with those familiar to ourselves. Columella (ii. (i; comp. Dioscorid. ii. 107 ; Theophr. //. P. viii. 1. 4), who attempts a systematic classitication, assigns the first place among u frumcnta" to Triticum and Semen adoreum, each of which contained se eral species or varieties. Among many different kinds of triticum lie deems the following only deserving of particular untice; —

1. /{ubtts, possessing superior weight and brilliancy (nitor).

'2. Sdujo, very white, but deficient in weight. (Colum. ii. 9, § 13 ; Plin. ff.N. xviii. 8.)

3. Trimestre (rptfivviaTos a, rplfiyvos), a sort of siligo, receiving its name from lying three months only in the ground, being spring-sown. We find this kind sometimes denominated oip.nvos also, since in very warm situations it came to maturity in two months after it was sown.

Among the different kinds of Semen adoreum, the following are particularly noticed: —

1. Far Ctusinum, distinguished by its whiteness.

2. Far venucutum rutUum. "(Both heavier than

3. Far venucidum candid'urn. y the Clusinum.

4. Halicastrum or Semen trimestre, very heavy and of fine quality. Here we must remark that although robus, siligo, and trimestre are set down as particular species or varieties of the more general term triticum, which is used in contradistinction to semen adoreum, it is much more usual to find triticum used in a restricted sense to denote ordinary winter wheat, in opposition to both siligo and adoreum, and hence Pliny declares that the most common kinds of grain were "Fur, called adoreum by the ancients, siligo, and triticum.''''

Now, with regard to the three kinds of triticum enumerated above, we shall have little difficulty in deciding that they were not distinct species, but merely varieties of the same species ; for we are assured by Columella (ii. 9), that triticum, when Vjwn in wet land, pass d in the course of three

years into siligo, and by Pliny (xviii. 8) that siligo^ in most parts of Gaul, passed, at the end of two years, into triticum; again, Columella, in describing trimestre, admits (although contradicted by PliuH. N. xviii. 7) that it is a variety of siligo, while modern experience teaches us that winter and spring wheats are convertible by subjecting them to peculiar modes of cultivation. Hence we conclude that robus and siligo were varieties of what is now termed by botanists Triticum hybemum, and that trimestre was a variety of our Triticum aestivutn^ which is itself a variety of the hgbernum.

The question with regard to Far, Ador, Semen adoreum, Seimfn, A doreum, names used indifferently by the Latin writers, does not admit of such an easy solution. But after a careful examination of the numerous, vague, perplexing, and contradictory statements scattered over the classics, the discussion of which separately would far exceed our limits, we may with considerable confidence decide that far was a variety of the Greek £*'a or £*fa, and of the modorn Triticum spelta, if not absolutely identical with one or both. Spelt, which is fully recognised by botanists as a distinct species of triticum, is much more hardy than common wheat, succeeding well in high exposed situations where the latter would not ripen, and its chaff adheres with singular firmness to the grain, both of which circumstances were prominent characteristics of far. (Coium. it 8 ; Plin. //. N. xviii. 7, 8, 30.) Indeed, it was found impossible to get rid of the thick double case in which it was enclosed, by the ordinary modes of thrashing; therefore it was stored up with the chaff attached (convenit cum palea sua condi et stipula tantum et aristis liberatur); and when used as food it was necessary to pound it in a mortar, or rub it in a mill of a peculiar construction, in order to separate the tenacious husks—a process altogether distinct from grinding, and indicated by the wordspinscre, pistura, pistores. (Cat. 2 ; Plin. //. N. xviii. 10.) The idea entertained by some commentators, that the distinction between triticum and far consisted in the circumstance that the latter was awned while the former was beardless, is altogether untenable; for not only does Pliny say expressly in one passage (xviii. 10), far sine arista est, and in another (xviii. 30), as distinctly that far had aristae, but it is perfectly clear from Varro (i. 48 ; compare Plin. //. Jv. xviii. 7), that ordinary triticum had a beard, and from Pliny that siligo was generally, although not uniformly, without one-—a series of assertions whose contradictory nature need occasion no surprise, since it is nowwell known that this, like colour, is a point which does not amount to specific difference, for white, red, awned, and beardless wheats are found to change and run into each other, according to soil, climate, and mode of culture. Another fact noticed by Pliny, to which, if correct, botanists seem not to have given due attention, is, that triticum had four joints in its stalk, far six, and barley eight.

All agree that triticum (we shall use the word hereafter in the restricted sense of common winterwheat) succeeded best in dry, slightly elevated, open ground, where the full influence of the sun's rays was not impeded by trees, while siligo and far were well adapted for low damp situations and stirT clayey soils (Cato 34, 35 ; Varr. i. 9 ; Colum. ii. 6; Plin. xviii. 8). The sowing of winter wheat (satio autumnalis) whether triticum, siligo, or adoreum, commenced for the most part, according to the Tbjnlian precept after the morning setting of the I Pkiades, that is, by the Roman calendar (ix. KaJ. I Nor.V, after the 24th of October, and was al wart eooclnded before the 3th of December, it being a maxim strictly observed among prudent huabandT»rn to abstain from all field work for fifteen days before, and fifteen days after the winter solstice. In wet or light soils, however, and in all exposed situations, There it was important that the roots should hare a firm hold of the ground before the rains and frosts set in, the sowing was frequently completed by the end of September.

Spring sowing {Matio trimestris) was practised aajy when the farmer had been pre rented by accidental circumstances from c mpleting his work in aataain; or in those localities where, from the ex* trwne cold and heavy snows, it was feared that the young Wades would lie destroyed in winter ; or finally, where, from the depth and stiffness of the sou* (crenwarsrfrse), it might be cropped repeatedly without a fallow. In every case it was considered advisable to throw the seed as soon as the weather would permit, that is, in ordinary seasons, early in March. The quantity of seed required was from four to six modii of triticum or silu/o to the juger according as the soil was rich or poor; and from nine to ten modii of far. To understand this difference, we most recollect that the far was stored up and sown out in its thick husks ; and, therefore, vnuld occupy almost twice as much epace as when cleaned like the triticum. The various operations performed upon the above quantity of seed before it could be brought to the thrashing-floor, required ten days and a half of work.—Four for the ploughman {?jabm/cus) ; one for the narrower (ororfur); three for the hoer (sum/or), two days on the first occasion, and one on the second ; one for the weeder {mentor) ; one and a half for the reaper (mesaur).

The finest Italian wheat weighed from twenty* five to twenty-six pounds the modius, which corresponds to upwards of seventy English pounds avoirdupois to the imperial bushel, the Koman pound being very nearly 11 "8 ox, avoirtL, and the nsodms *V9119 of an imperial peck. The lightest was that brought from Gaul and from the Chersonese. It did not weigh more than twenty pounds the modius. Intermediate were the Sardinian, the Alexandrian, the Sicilian, the Basotian, and the African, the two last approaching most nearly in excellence to the Italian.

The proportion which the produce bore to the seed sown varied, when Cicero and Varro wrote, in the richest and most highly cultivated districts of Sicily and Italy from H to 10 for 1 ; 15 for 1 was regarded as an extraordinary crop obtained in a £ew hijrhly favoured spots only, while in the age of Columella, when agriculture bad fallen into decay, the average return was less than 4 for 1. Parts cf Ejypt, the region of Byzacium in Africa, the neighbourhood of Garada in Syria, and the territory of Sybaris were said to render a hundred or even a hundred and fifty fold ; but these accounts were in all likelihood greatly exaggerated. (Cic in Verr. Hi. 4 7 ; Varr. i. 44 ; Colum. hi. 3. §4; PVuLff. tf. xviii. 21.)

Far is uniformly represented as having been the £ni species of grain ever cultivated in Italy, and 25 Smi was employed exclusively in religious cereMBM* Hence also fori*** became the generic term U* floor or meal whether derived from far, fom triticum, or from any other cereaL Thus we

read of trititen farima^ rifipimtn ftrini. AfletiVnera /insa, even sinsswsis forma (Plin, H. S. xvni. 9, xx. 13, xxii. 25 V In the expressions far tntirmmy far kordaemm found in Columella (viii. 5, 11 )%far is evidently used for /ansa, and ws shall see that even mJiao is in like manner used to denote, not only the solid grain, but the flour produced by grinding it This being premised, we may proceed to examine the meaning of the terms noMrs, ststisaoo a. at ***7o, e&arium^ M/mto, /fos, a/too, amf~ Isss, ovwsea. Ate, several of which have never been clearly explained. Here again we can give the result only of an investigation, in the coarse of which we are obliged to thread our way through statemenu at once obscure and iiTeconcilahle. Regarding trihemm and tilujo as two well distinguished varieties «f wheat, their products when ground were thus classed by millers: —

From triticum,

1. /W/es, the finest flour dust, double dressed.

2. dtssi&i, or Similtuft^ the l»e*i fir*t flour.

3. CtUirium rruw/iinum, second flour.

4. Fvrfwrrt, bran.

From siligo,

1. Sifi>m% the finest double-dressed flour, used exclusively for pastry and fancy bread.

2. >T«s ($tlttj%mn\ first flour.'

3. CVforimm *rrundarimmy second flour.

4. Furfurr*, bran.

It would appear that (Visas (it 1R\ eomidcring wheat generally as triticum, called the finest and purest flour nfipu ; ordinary flour, mimila ; the whole produce of the grain, bran, and flour mixed together, airr&rvpoi. (IMin. II. S. xviii. 8, 9, 10, 11.)

Alien is placed by Pliny among the different kinds of corn (xviii. 7), and is probably the same with the IlalicastmmA Aluxutntm^ or spring sown far of Columella. Hut alica is also used t» denote, not only the grain, but a particular preparation of it, most clearly described in another passage of Pliny (xviii. 11). The finest was made from Cam pan i an zea, which was first rubbed in a wo»d«-n mortar to remove the hnsk, and then (<<ratMt* rsmrts) the pure grain {nudata medulla') was pounded. In this manner three sorts were produced and classed according to their fineness, the minimum, the trrum/'irium, nnd the eonreent or apkaerrma, and each was mixed with a kind of fine white chalk, found between Naples and Putculi, which became intimately amalgamated with it (transit in corjmty cvtoremqae rt t-neritatem a/Trrt). This compound was the principle ingredient in a sort of porridge also called o/tra, while aiirarius, signifying properly one who pounded alica, frequently denotes a miller in general. (Plin. //. *V. xviii. 7, 11, 29, xxii. 25 ; Cat 76 ; Ccls. vu 6 ; Mart. ii. 37, xiiL fi ; Oeopon. iii. 7.)

Ampimm is starch, and the modes of preparing it are described by Cato (B7), and Pliny (//. N. xriii. 7).

Granea was wheat, not ground, but merely divested of its hunk, nnd made into a s^rt of porridge hv boiling it in water and then adding milk. (Cat 86.)

6. Ifarrfettm ». Or.lrnm (KplQi} ; Kp?, Horn.). Next in importance to triticum and av/o/ru/n, was kordeym or barley, which was a more appropriate food for the lower animals than wheat, Was better for man when made into polenta than wheat of an indifferent quality, and furnished excellent Btraw and chaff (stramcntum, palea).

The species most generally cultivated, termed hexastichum or cantJterinum, was, we can scarcely doubt, identical with what we now call bear or hujg, the Hordeum kcjcasticlton or Bix-rowed barley of botanists. It was sown after the vernal equinox (hence called rpipfiirn, Theophr. //. P. viii. 1), upon land that had been twice ploughed, at the rate of five modii to the juger; succeeded best in a dry, loose, rich soil; and being an exhausting crop, the land from which it had been reaped was summer fallowed, or recruited by manure. It was cut as soon as it was ripe ; for the stalk being brittle, was liable to be beaten down ; and the grain not being enclosed in an outer husk, was easily shaken.

Another species, termed Galaticum or dtstichum, the same apparently with the modern Hordeum vulgare, or with the Hordeum distichum, varieties of the common two-rowed barley, was remarkable for its weight and whiteness, and answered well for mixing with wheaten flour in baking bread for slaves. It was sown in autumn, winter or early spring, at the rate of six modii to the jnger. Five modii of seed hordeum required six days and a half of labour to bring it to the thrashing-floor; viz. ploughing three days, harrowing (oceatoria opera) one, hoeing (aarritoria) one nm1-a-half, reaping (messoria) one.

Pliny speaks of hordeum as the lightest of all frumenta, weighing only 15 pounds to the modius (Roman pounds! 1*8 oz. avoird.). In mild climates it might be sown carlv in autumn. (Theophr. //. P. viii. 1 ; Cat. 35 ; Varr. i. 34 ; Colum. ii. 9. §§ 14,15,16 ; Virg. Georg. i. 210 ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 7, 10 ; Gcopon. ii. 14.)

c. Panicum and Milium are commonly spoken of together, as if they were only varieties of the same grain. The first is in all probability the Panicum mUiaceum or common millet of botanists, the (Kvfxos or fjLtKtvn of the Greeks ; the second is perhaps the Setaria Jtalica or Italian millet, which corresponds to the description of ntyxpos ; while the species noticed by Pliny as having been brought from India less than ten years before the period when he wrote is, we can scarcely doubt, the Sorghum vulgare, or Durra of the Arabs.

Panicum and milium were sown in spring (Virg. Georg. i. 216), towards the end of March, at the rate of four sextarii (pints) only to the juger, but they required repeated hoeing and weeding to keep them clean. They succeeded well in light loose soil, even on sand if well irrigated ; and as soon as the ears were fairly formed, they were gathered by the hand, hung up to dry in the sun, and in this state would keep for a longer period than any other grain. Milium was baked into bread or cakes, very palatable when eaten hot; and both panicum and milium made good porridge (puis). Although not much used by the population of Italy, except perhaps in Campania, they formed a most important article of food in the Gauls, in Pontus, in Sarmatia, and in Ethiopia. (Cat. 6 ; Colum. it 9. §17; Plin. //. N. xviii. 7, 10, 26 ; Pallad. iv. 3 ; Geopon. it 38 ; Theophr. n. *. A. ii. 17, H. P. viii. 3 ; Dioscor. ii. 119.)

Send?i rye, the Seeale cereale of botanists, is not mentioned by any of the Greek writers unless it

be the $pi(a described by Galen (De Aliment. Facult. L 2) as cultivated in Thrace and Macedonia (but this, in all probability, was a coarse variety of spelt), nor by Cato, Varro, Columella, nor Palladium Pliny alone (//. N, xviii. 40) speaks of it, and in the following terms:—" Seeale Taurini sub Alpibus Asiam vocant, dctcrrimum, et tantum ad arcendam famem: foecunda sed gracili stipula, nigritia tristc, sed pondcre praecipuum. Admiscetur huic far ut mitigct amaritudinem ejus ; et tarn en sic quoque ingratissimum ventri est Nascitur qualicunquc solo cum ccntesimo grano, ipBumque pro lac tarn in e est," In the previous chapter he makes it identical with farrago, that is, corn sown for the purpose of being cut green as fodder. See remarks upon Farrago below.

Arena, the oat ($p6fios s. $pu>pos„ Theophr. H. P. viii. 4 ; Dioscorid. it 16), the Arena sativa of botanists, need scarcely be noticed in this place since it cannot be raised as a grain with any advantage in a climate Bo warm as that of Greece or of Italy. Columella (ii. 10. § 9) and Pliny (//. AT. xviii. 42, A vena Graeca) recommended that it should be sown for green fodder, and the latter remarks that it became a sort of corn (Jrumenti fit instar) in Germany, where it formed a regular crop, and where oatmeal porridge was a national dish (neque alia pulte virant, H. jV. xviii. 44. § 1. com p. iv. 27, vi. 35). In another passage (//. A', xxii. 68) the same author prescribes oatmeal (avenacea farina) steeped in vinegar as a remedy for spots on the skin. The Arena condemned as a troublesome weed by Cato (R. A. xxxvii § 5) and Virgil (sterile* avenae, G. i. 154) is, probably, the Arena fatua of botanists, although Pliny (//. N. xviii. 44. § 1) makes no distinction between this and the cultivated kind.

Other cereals we may dismiss very briefly.

Oryza (fyvfa, 6pv£ov), rice, was imported from the East, and was much esteemed for making gruel (ptisana).

Zea ((4a, (*ta), Olyra (6\vpa), Tipke (rfynj), and Arinca, of which the first two are named by Homer, must be regarded as varieties of the Triticum Speita or Far (Herod, ii. 36; Theophr. //. P. ii. 5, viii. 9 ; Dioscorid. ii. 110 ; Galen, de Aliment. Facult i. 2, 13). The statements found in the eighteenth book of Pliny's Natural History in reference to these four are altogether unintelligible when compared with each other. He evidently copied, as was too often his custom, from a number of discordant authorities without attempting to reconcile or thinking it necessary to point out their contradictions. In one place (xviii. 20. § 4) he says distinctly that Arinca is the Olyra of Homer, and in another he seems to say (xviii. 11) that Olyra in Egypt became Far (far in JEgypto &r olyra conficitur). Now we know from Herodotus (ii. 36) that in his time Olyra and Zea were considered synonymous, and that these exclusively were cultivated by the Egyptians. Hence we shall be led to conclude that the wheat which has been raised recently from the seeds discovered in the mummy cases is in reality the ancient Zea or Olyra, and from its appearance we should further be induced to identify it with the Triticum ramosum of Pliny (H. N. xviii. 21).

With regard to Irio and Horminum, of which the former seems to have been called iplxriuav by the Greeks, both enumerated by Pliny among frumenta, although he afterwards somewhat qua.h

£es this assertion, we do not hazard a conjecture. (Plin. //. JV. xviii. 10. § 1— *2"2, xxii. 7&.)

We mar conclude this section with an enumeration of the technical terms employed to denote the

nt pa its c

The whole ear was named ipica; the beard or awn arista ; the ear, when beardless tpica mmtka, the while solid substance of the grain, intiwsa talidmm nwdata vudmlla pramam ; the husk which immediately envelopes the granum, otata, with which cortrx, Arnica, folliculms, are used as synonymous ; the outer husk acus; the outer h&ak with the short straw attached, palea ; the ston, ttzpula*, Cmimw, to which srapa*, camlis correspond in leguminous plants ; the knots or joints in the stem, prmicmli, ariieuli ; the sheathtike blade in the stem from which the ear issues funh, eoptM.

2. LraitatixauM Crop* (x&poTOL, Legumina).

The vegetables falling properly under this head, eaienV cultivated by the ancients, were : a. Faha; k Lupisms ; c Lou s. Lentiada ; d. deer; e. Cscertmla; f. Pkaseolus ; g. Pismm ; to which, is order to avoid multiplying subdivisions, we may add Xapi and Kapa, since in common with the legumina they served as food both for men and cattle.

a. Fata. The ancient faba, the Kvd+tos of the Greeks, notwithstanding all that has been urged to the contrary, was certainly one of the varieties of oar common field bean, the llcia Fuba, or Faha nipnris arventu of botanists. It required either rich and strong, or well manured land. If sown upon moist low-1 ring ground that had remained long uoeropped (eie^ererstm), no previous preparation was necessary ; but the seed was scattered and at once ploughed in ; the field was then ribbed and finally harrowed (cum seme* crudo $olo ingesterimus, imarafa's**, imporoatxmque oeoabimus\ the object being to bury the seed as deep as possible. But if beans were to be sown upon land from which a com crop had been just reaped ( retObilU qoer ),after the stubble was cleared away, manure was spread at the rate of twenty four vehes to the juger, and then the remaining operations were the same as above. Rich land required from four to six modii to the juger, poorer sou* somewhat more. A portion of the seed was committed to the ground about the middle {media semotr*), the remainder at the end of the corn-towing season (srptimontialis so/so). Virgil (Geary. L215), indeed, following the practice of his own district, directs that beans should be sown in spring ; but this was disapproved of in the rest of Italy because the stalks {camlesfabalia), the pods (sdiqmae\ and the husks (acus fabagitmm), all of which were of great value as food for cattle, were less luxuriant in the spring-sown (trimeslris /aba) than in the autumnal crop. Columella recommends that beans should be hoed three times, in which case they required no weeding. When they had arrived at maturity, they were reaped close to the ground, were made up into sheaves (Jasciculi\ were thrashed by men who tossed the bundles with forks, trampled them under foot, and beat them with nails (6aeWi*), and finally, were cleaned hy winnowing. The harvest took place in Central Italy about the end of May, and hence the first of Jane was named Oilendae Fahariat, because on that day new beans were used in sacred rites. From ibor to six modii of seed required two days* work of the ploughman, if the land was newly broken up, but only one if it had been cropped the previous season ; harrowing occupied one day and a half, the first hoeing ooe day and a half, toe second and third each one day, reaping one day ; in all, seven or eight days.

Bean meal (lomrmtuM^ ff^rrynxi) was baked into bread or cakes (aprof rva^urot), especially if mixed with the flour of wheat or millet ; when made into porridge (Jubacicu, puis faltata)y it was accounted an acceptable offering to the gods and termed He/rira^ — a name properly applied to the beans brought home and set apart for holv purposes. (Horn. IL xiiL 589 ; Cat 35 ; Varr. L 44 ; Colum. ii. 10,12 ; Pallad. ii. 9, vii. 3; Plin. //. A*, xvii. 5, xviii. 12, xix. 3 ; Geopon. Il 35 ; Dioscorid. ii. 127 ; Throphr. //. P. iv. 2, vii. 3, viii, 1 ; comp. Fest s. e. Hefrtea; OeU. iv. 11, x. 15; Macroh. Sat L 1*2; Cicdc/Me. L 30 ; Ov. FaM. v. 436.)

b. Lmpimms^ the ddpftot of the Greeks, seems to include the Lmpisau O/om, the /. lasews, and the /.. pilot**, of botanists, the common white, yellow, and rose lupines of our gardens. The first of the above species was that chiefly cultivated by the Romans, and is pronounced by Columella to be the most valuable of the legumina, because it demanded very little labour, was a sure crop, and instead of exhausting, actually refreshed and manured the land. Steeped in water and afterwards boiled, it formed an excellent food for oxen in winter, and might be used even for man during periods of scarcity. It could be sown as soon as thrashed, might be cast upon ground unprepared by ploughing or any other operation (crmdis aocti/i6as), and was covered up anyhow, or not covered up at all, being protected by its bitterness from the attacks of birds and other animals.

The proper season for sowing was early in autumn, in order that the stalks might acquire vigour before the cold weather set in ; the quantity of seed was ten modii to the juger, and the crop was reaped after it had remained a year in the ground. It succeeded well in any dry light land, but not in wet tenacious soiL Ten modii required in all only three days* work ; one for covering up, one for harrowing, and one for reaping, and of these operations, the two first might, if there was a press of work, be dispensed with. (Cat v. 35 ; Colum. ii. 10,16, xi. 2 ; Pallad. L 6, ii. 9, vi 3, vii. 3, ix. 2; Plin. H. N. xviii. 14 ; Geopon. ii. 39 ; Virg. Georg. i. 75.)

c Lent, s. Lentiada, the $*k6$ of the Greeks, the modern Ercvm Lent, Vicia //w, or Lcntile, was sown twice a year, late in autumn (per mediam tementim) and early in spring, on dry light soil, in the proportion of rather more than a modius to the juger. It was recommended to mix the seed with dry manure, and after leaving it in this state for four or five days, then to scatter it A modius and a half required eight days'work—ploughing, three ; harrowing, one ; hoeing, two ; weeding, one ; pulling, one. (Cat 35 ; Virg. Georp. i.228 ; Colum. il 10, 12 ; xL 2. ; Plin. //. AT. xviii. 12, 31 ; Pallad. xiL 11 ; Theophr. //. /*. viii. 3 ; Dioscorid. ii. 129; Geopon. ii. 37; comp. Martial, xiii 9. 1 ; GcU. xviii. 8.)

d. CEcer, the ipi€iv9os of the Greeks. The Gcer arietinum (Koto's) and the (Horr Punicum, varieties of our common chick-pea, were sown in rich soil, during the month of March, in the proportion of three modii to the juger, the seeds

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