viernes, 24 de septiembre de 2010


AMPHIPROSTYLOS. [templum]. AMPHISBETE'SIS («^w«t"|to) [hk
""amphitapae. [tapes]. AMPHITHALAMUS. [domus] AMPHITHEA'TRUM (i^Biarpov) was a description of building arranged for the exhibition of coml>at5 of gladiators, and wild beasts, and ships, which constituted the hidi amphiiheatrates. [gladiatores ; Venatio ; Naumachia.]
I. Its History. — Such exhibitions — which were peculiar to the Romans, and which were unknown to the Greeks till the Romans introduced them—originally took place in the Forum and the Circus, the shows of gladiators being given in the former, and those of wild beasts in the


latter ; indeed the amphitheatre itjelf is sometime* ailed cirrus. The shape of the circus, however, was mech better fitted for the chariot race*, for which it was at first designed, than for the gladiatorial combats, and the more wholesale slaughter of animals, whka, in process of time, came to be the favourite amusements of the Romans. For these purposes, the cirrus was too long and too narrow, and the 59 ma was a great impediment, so that a new form of baOding was required, which should accommodate a multitude of spectators in such a manner 2> that all might hare a good view of the space occupied by the combatants, which space too recs:red to be of quite a different shape from the circus, aa the combatants were to be kept as much as pwibie in the same place. The idea of such a building was suggested, as the name (from fyo* tod, suirs^ ^torpor, a theatre) seems to imply, by the existing theatre: indeed, the first amphitheatre of which we have any account — that ef C. Scribonius Curio — was, literally, a double X^cstrr *, being composed of two theatres, placed on phrots, so that they could be turned round, speenUors and all, and placed either back to back, forming two separate theatres for dramatic exhibitions, or usee to {ace, forming an amphitheatre, fur the shows of gladiators and wild beasts. Thii edifice, which was erected by Curio (the celebrated partisan of Caesar), for the celebration of his father's funeral games, is described and somewhat vehemently commented upon by Pliny. (//. A', xrxri. 15. s. 24. § 8.) The next amphitheatre, arid apparently the first to which the name was applied, was built by Julius Caesar him self, during his perpetual dictatorship, in B. c 46 (Dy*n Cass, xliii. 22, who thus describes the building BtczTpoK ri KvmjyfriKbvy & Ko} fyxtyiQiarpov *V Wpt£ Yarrax6Q*y tJpor &V*u ffrrjK^f txttv xpxw€p£*0i)). This, however, was still only of wood, a material which was frequently used for theatres, and which was, therefore, naturally adopted for amphitheatres, but which sometimes proved inadequate to support the weight of the immense body of spectators, and thus occasioned serious accidents. For example, we are told that a wooden amphitheatre, which was built at Fidenae in the reign of Tiberius by Atilias, a freedman, gave way, in consequence of the imperfections in the foundation and in the joints of the timbers, and buried cither 20.000 or 50,000 spectators in its ruins. (Suet Tiber. 40 ; Tac. -4m. iv. 63.) These wooden buildings were, of coarse, also exposed to great danger from fire ; thus a wooden amphitheatre at Placentia was burned in the civil war between Otho and Vitellina. (Tac. Hist. ii. 20.)
It was not, however, tfll the fonrth consulship of Augustus, B, c, 30, that a more durable amphitheatre, of stone, was erected by Statilius Taurus, in thcCampus Martius. (Dion Cass. 11 23 ; Suet. Octav. 29 ; Tac Ann. iii. 72 ; Strab. Tl p 236.) But, since thii building was destroyed by fire, it must be supposed that only the shell was of stone, and the seats and staircases of wood. This edifice was the only
* As a mere matter of etymology, the word MaTpoy (a place torUhoblmg)* would more strictly app/y to the amphitheatre^ which was intended exdusirefr for spectacle, while the theatre, which *a* for notations accompanied by music^ might he at least as fitly described by the word VoW.
i one of the kind until the building of the Flavian 1 amphitheatre. It did not satisfy Caligula, who j commenced an amphitheatre near the Septa ; but the work was not continued by Claudius. (Dion Cass. lix. 10; Suet. CuL 18. 21.) Nero too, in his second consulship, A. D. 57, erected a vast amphitheatre of wood, but this was only a temporary building. (Suet A>r. 12; Tac, Amu. xiii. 31.') The amphitheatre of Taurus was destroyed in the burning of Home, A. D. 64 (Dion Cass. liii. 18), and was probably never restored, as it is m>t Spain mentioned. It is still a question with the topographers whether any traces of it are now viiiblr. (Comp. Becker, H642, 643, and L'rlichs, Ilrwehmlmrxj Horns, pn. 53, 54.t) The erection of an amphitheatre in the midit »f Rome, proportioned to the magnitude of the my, was among the designs of Augustus, who delimited in the spectacles of the venatio, and especially in the uncommon species and immense numlnT of the animals exhibited in them ; to that, as be hims»-lf informs us, in one of his rematumes there were no less than 3500 animals slaughtered. (Suet. Veep. 9 ; A or. Vict. KwiL 1 ; Mornmm, Amyr.) It was not, however, till the reigns of Vesrsuum and Thus, that the design of Augustus wns carried into effect by the erection of the A mphitkeatmm Flarium^ or, a* it has been called since the time of Rede, the Colosmmm or CeUmmm^ a name said to be derived from the G>los*us of Nero, which stood close by.
This wonderful building, which for magnitude can only be compared to the pyramids of Kgypt, and which is perhaps the most striking monument at once of the mat rial greatness and the moral degradation of Rome under the empire, was coin me nerd by Vcspasbrn, but at what precise time is uncertain; forthe genuineness of the mt*dal, which is quoted by Lipsms, as placing its commencement in his eighth consulship, A. D. 77, is more than doubtful. (Raw-he, Lex. Univ. Bei Num. Tol T. pt. 2. p. 1017 ; Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. toL tr. p. 840.) It was completed by Titus, who dedicated it in A. D. 80, when 5000 animals of different kinds were slaughtered. (Suet. Tit. 7 ; Dion Cass. Ixvi. 25.) From the somewhat obscure account of an old writer (fatal. Imp. Viernn. p. 243, Rone), we learn that Vespasian carried the building so far ns to dedicate the first three ranges of seats, that Titus added two ranges more, and that Domitinn completed the building umpte ad efypea. Without professing to be able to exphtin these statements fully, we may observe that it is extremely probable, as will be seen more clearly from the description of the building, that Titus would dedicate the amphitheatre as soon as it was fit for use, without waiting for the final completion of the upper and less essentinl parts.
There is an ecclesiastical tradition, but not entitled to much credit, that the architect of the CoUsaeum was a Christian, and afterwards a martyr, named Gaudcntius, and that thousands of the captive Jews were employed in its erection.
The Flavian amphitheatre, from its enormous
4* In the lower eastern angle of the walls of Aurelian, near the church of S. Croce, arc the remains of an amphitheatre, of brick, called in the JVotUia, the Amphitheatrwn Castrense. Its date is very uncertain. (See further Becker, llandb. d. Hum. Alter, vol i. pp.549, &c)
size, rendered the subsequent erection of any other such building in Rome perfectly unnecessary. It became the spot where prince and people met together to witness those sanguinary exhibitions, the degrading effects of which on the Roman character cau hardly be over-estimated. It was thoroughly repaired by Antoninus Pius. (Capit. Ant. Pi. 8.) In the reign of Macrinus, on the day of the Vulcanalia, it was struck by lightning, by which the upper rows of benches were consumed, and so much damage was done to other parts of the structure, that the games were for some years celebrated in the Stadium. (Dion Cass, lxxviii. 25.) Its restoration was commenced by ElagabaJus and completed by Alexander Sevcrus. (Laraprid. Heliog. 17 ; Alex. Sev. 24.) It was again struck by lightning in the reign of Decius (Hieron. p. 475), but was Boon restored, and the games continued to be celebrated in it down to the sixth century. The latest recorded exhibition of wild beasts was in the reign of Theodoric. Since that time it has been used sometimes in war as a fortress, and in peace as a quarry, whole palaces, such as the Cancellaria and the Palazzo Farnese, having been built out of its spoils. At length the popes made efforts to preserve it: Sixtus V. attempted to use it as a woollen factory, and to convert the arcades into shops ; Clement XI. enclosed the lower arcades, and, in 1750, Benedict XIV. consecrated it to Christians who had been martyred in it. The best accounts of the building arc contained in the following works: Lipsius de Ampkitheatro ; Nibby, deW Anfiteatro Flavio, a supplement to Nardini, vol. i. p. 233, in which we have the most complete historical account ; Fea, Notixte dcgli scavi ndV Anfitcatro Flavio; 13unsen, Dcschreibung d. Stadt Rom. vol. iii. p. 319, &c. ; Crcssy and Taylor, 'Die Ardiitectural Antiquities of Rome; MafFei, Verona Illnstrata ; Stieglitz, Arch'dol. d. Bauhtnst; Hirt, GescfticAte d. Buukunst bei den Alien.
II. Description of the Flavian Amphitfieatre. — Notwithstanding tf>« damages of time, war, and spoliation, the Flavian amphitheatre still remains complete enough to give us a fair idea, excepting in some minor details, of the structure and arrangements of this description of building. The notices of the ancient authors are extremely scanty ; and Vitruvius of course fails us here altogether ; indeed, this description of building was so completely new in his time, that only once does the bare word amphithcatrum occur in his book (i. 7). "We derive important aid from the remains of amphitheatres in the provinces of the ancient Roman empire. We shall first describe the Colisaeum, and then mention the chief points of difference between it and these other amphitheatres.
The very site of the Flavian amphitheatre, as of most others, furnishes an example of the prodigal contempt of labour and expense which the Roman emperors displayed in their great works of architecture. The Greeks, in choosing the sites of their theatres, almost always availed themselves of some natural hollow on the side of a hill; but the Roman amphitheatres, with few exceptions, stand upon a plain. The site of the Colisacum was in the middle of the city, in the valley between the Caelius, the Esquiline, and the Velia, on the marshy ground which was previously the pond of Nero's palace, stagnum Neronis (Suet. Vesp. 9 ; Martial, de Sped. n. 5). No mere measures can give an adequate conception of this vast structure, the dimensions
and arrangements of which were such as to furnish scats for 87,000 spectators, round an arena large enough to afford space for the combats of several hundred animals at once, for the evolutions of mimic sea-fights, and for the exhibition of artificial forests; with passages and staircases to give ingress and egress, without confusion, to the immense mass of spectators, and others for the attendants on the arena; dens for the thousands of victims devoted to destruction ; channels for the rapid influx and outlet of water when the arena was used for a naumackia; and the means for the removal of the carcasses, and the other abominations of the arena. Admirable pictures of the magnitude and magnificence of the amphitheatre and its spectacles are drawn in the Essays of Montaigne (iii. 6.), and in the latter part of Gibbon's twelfth chapter. As a general description of the building the following passage of Gibbon is perfect: — M It was a building of an elliptic figure, founded on fourscore arches, and rising, with four successive orders of architecture, to the height of 140 [157] feet The outside of the edifice was incrusted with marble, and decorated with statues. The slopes of the vast concave, which formed the inside, were filled and surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of seats, of marble likewise, covered with cushions, and capable of receiving with ease about 80,000 spectators. Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name the doors were very aptly distinguished), poured forth the immense multitude ; and the entrances, passages, and staircases, were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each person, whether of the senatorial, the equestrian, or the plebeian order, arrived at his destined place without trouble or confusion. Nothing was omitted, which, in any respect, could be subservient to the convenience and pleasure of the spectators. They were protected from the sun and rain by an ample canopy, occasionally drawn over their heads. The air was continually refreshed by the playing of fountains, and profusely impregnated by the grateful scent of aromatics. In the centre of the edifice, the arena, or stage, was strewed with the finest sand, and successively assumed the most different forms. At one moment it seemed to rise out of the earth, like the garden of the Hesperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhaustible supply of water; and what had just before appeared a level plain, might be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vessels, and replenished with the monsters of tho deep. In the decoration of these scenes, the Roman emperors displayed their wealth and liberality; and wc read on various occasions that the whole furniture of the amphitheatre consisted either of Bilver, or of gold, or of amber. The poet who describes the games of Carinus, in the character of a shepherd, attracted to the capital by the fame of thcir nmgnificence, affirms that the nets designed as a defence against the wild beasts were of gold wire; that the porticoes were gilded; and that the belt or circle which divided the several ranks of spectators from each other, was studded with a precious mosaic of beautiful stones."
The following ground-plan, external elevation, and section, are from Hirt, and contain of course some conjectural details. The ground plan is so arranged as to exhibit in each of its quarters the plan of each of the stories: thus, the lower right
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This structure, like all the other existing amphitheatres, is of an elliptical form. It covers nearly six acres of ground. The plan divides itself naturally into two concentric ellipses, of which the inner constituted the arena or space for the combats, while the ring between this and the outer circumference wa9 occupied by the seats for the spectators. The lengths of the ranjor and minor axes of these ellipses are, respectively, 287 feet by 180, and 620 feet by 513. The width of the space appropriated to spectators is, therefore, 1661 feet all round the building. The ratio of the diameters of the external ellipse is nearly that of 6 to 5, which becomes exactly the proportion, if we take in the substructions of the foundation. Of course, the ratio of the diameters of the arena is different, on account of the diminished size: it is, in fact, nearly as 8 to 5. The minor axis of the arena is here, and generally, about one-third of that of the outer ellipse. The material used was stone, in large blocks, fastened together, where necessary, by metal clamps. The exterior was faced with marble and adorned with statues. The external elevation requires little description. It is divided into four stories, corresponding to the tiers of corridors by which access was gained to the scats at different levels. These corridors arc connected with the external air by eighty arched openings in each of the three lower stories. To the piers which divide these arches are attached three-quarter columns, that is, columns one-fourth of whose circumference appears to be buried in the wall behind them. Thus, each of the three lower stories presents a continuous facade of eighty columns backed by piers, with eighty open arches between them, and with an entablature continued unbroken round the whole building. The width of the arches is as nearly as possible the same throughout the building, namely, 14 feet 6 inches, except at the extremities of the diameters of the ellipse, where tbey are two feet wider. Kach tier is of a different order of architecture, the lowest being a plain Roman Doric, or perhaps rather Tuscan, the next Ionic, and the third Corinthian. The columns of the second and third stories are placed on pedestals ; those of the lowest story are raised from the ground by a few steps. The highest tier is of quite a different character, as it merely consists of a wall, without corridors, against which, instead of columns, are placed pilasters of the Corinthian order j and the wall between them is pierced with windows, in the alternate intercolumniations only, and therefore, of course, forty in number. The whole is crowned with a bold entablature, which is pierced with holes above the brackets which supported the feet of the masts upon which the velarium or awning was extended: and above the entablature is a small attic. The total height of that part of the building which remains entire, namely, about three-eighths of the whole circumference, is 157 feet: the stories are respectively about 30, 38, 38, and 44 feet high. The massiveness of the crowning entablature, the height of the upper story, and the great surface of blank wall in its intercolumniations, combine to give the elevation i somewhat haavy appearance ; while the projecting cornices of each story, intercepting the view from below, take off very much from the apparent height of the building. Indeed, it would be a waste of words to attempt to specify all the architectural defects of the composition.
The stone used in the building is a species oi travertine : some of the blocks are as much as ri v feet high, and eight or ten feet long ; and it is remarkable, that all those which form the exteriorhave inscribed upon them small numbers or signs, which evidently indicate the place of each in the building, and which prove now great was the care taken to adapt every single stone to the form of the whole edifice. In some parts of the interior large masses of brickwork and tufa are seen : arni in the upper part there are fragments of other buildings worked in ; but this, no doubt, happened in some of the various repairs.
There are coins extant, bearing on the reverse a view of the amphitheatre, so arranged as to shownot only the outside, but a portion of the interior also. It is from them that we learn the fact, that the outer arches of the second and third stories were decorated with statues in their openings, unless, indeed, the figures shown in the arches are meant for rude representations of the people passing through the outer colonnade. These coins also show, on the highest story, in the alternate spaces between the pilasters, circles against the wall, corresponding to the windows in the other alternate spaces ; they arc, perhaps, the dypca mentioned by the old author cited above, that is, ornamental metal shields, hung there to decorate the building. There are several coins of Titus and Domitian of this type (Eckbel, Doctr. Hum. Vet. vol. vi. pp. 357—359,375). There are similar coins of Gordian, which are, however, very inferior in execution to those of Titus and Domitian. (Eckhel, vol vii. p. 271.) The coins of Titus and Domitian also show a range of three stories of columns by the side of the amphitheatre, which (though the matter is doubtful) is supposed to represent a colonnade which ran from the palace of Titus on the Esquiline to the amphitheatre, to which it gave access at the northern extremity of its minor axis, as shown on the plan. At the other extremity of this axis was the entrance from the Palatine.
The eighty arches of the lower story (except the four at the extremities of the axes) formed the entrances for the spectators, and gave admission to a corridor, running uninterruptedly round the building, behind which again is another precisely similar corridor. (See the plan and section.) The space behind the second corridor is divided by eighty walls, radiating inwards from the inner piers of the second corridor ; which support the structure, and between which are partly staircases leading to the upper stories, and partly passages leading into a third corridor, which, like the first and second, runs round the whole building. Beyond this corridor the radiating walls are again continued, the spaces between them being occupied, as before, partly by staircases leading on the one side to the podium, and on the other to the lower range of seats (maenianum), and partly by passages leading to a fourth continuous corridor much lower and smaller than the others, which was divided from the arena by a massive wall (called podium), the top of which formed the place assigned to the spectators of the highest rank. From this fourth corridor there are several entrances to the arenaand it is most probable that the whole of the corridor was subservient to the arrangements of the arena. (See the lower righthand quarter of the plan, and the section.) On
the second story we have the two outer colonnades repeated, and the radiating walls of the first block are continued up through this story ; and between them are staircases leading out on to tbe second range of seats, and passages leading into a small inner corridor, from which access is obtained to a sort of terrace (praecmctio) which runs round the building between the first and second ranges of seats, and increases the facilities for the spectators getting to their proper places. Sloping down from this praednctio to the level of the top of the podium, and supported by the inner series of radiating walls, are the lower series of seats. On the third story (above the floor of which the details are almost entirely conjectural), we have again the double colonnade, the inner wall of which rues immediately behind the top of the second range of seats, with only the interval of a narrow prtKaadio, to which access was given by numerous doors in the wall just mentioned, which
was also pierced with windows. Above the outer corridor of this story is a mezzanine, or small middle story, in front of which and above tho inner colonnade were a few tiers of wooden benches for the lowest class of spectators. Above this mezzanine was a gallery, which ran right round the building, and the front of which is supposed to have been formed by a range of columns. It seems that the terrace formed by the top of this gallery would be also available for spectators. And, lastly, the very summit of the wall was formed into a sort of terrace which was, no doubt, occupied by the men who worked the ropes of the velarium. The doors which opened from the staircases and corridors on to the interior of the amphitheatre were designated by the very appropriate name of vomiioria. The whole of the interior was called cavca. The following section (from Hirt) exhibits these arrangements as clearly as they can be shown without the aid of perspective.
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I. II. Ill- IV. The four stories of the exterior.
A. The arena.
B. The podium.
C. D. B. F. The four corridors, ft //. /. The three maeniana.
JT. The upper gallery ; L. The terrace over it
R. The space on the summit of the wall for tho managers of the velarium.
Z. The steps which surrounded the building on the outside.
a. Stain from the third colonnade to the podium.


b. Short transverse steps from the podium to the first maenianura, (Compare the plan.)
c, d. Stairs from the ground story to the second ; whence the second maenianuiu was reached in two ways, e. and g.
e. Steps to the first praecinctio, from which there were short transverse steps (/.) to the second macman urn.
g. Stairs leading direct from the corridors of the second story to the second niaenianum, through the vomitorium a.
A. Stairs leading from the floor of the second story to the small upper story, whence other stairs (8) led to the third story, from which access was obtained to the upper part of the second maenianura by doors (3) in the inner wall of the second corridor q.
k. Stairs from the second story to the mezzanine, or middle story, whence access was obtained to the third maenianura by passages (7).
/. Stairs in the mezzanine, leading to the upper part of the third maenianum, and to the gallery K.
nu Steps from the gallery to the terrace over it,
n. Steps from that terrace to the summit.
0. p. Orated openings to light the two inner corridors.
q. See under h.
s. Windows to light the mezzanine. t. Windows of the gallery. v. Rest, and to. loop, for the masts of the velarium g.
The arena was surrounded by a wall of sufficient height to guard the spectators against any danger from the wild beasts, namely about fifteen feet, A further protection was afforded, at least sometimes, by a network or trellis of metal ; and it is mentioned, as an instance of the profuse ostentation which the emperors were so fond of displaying, that Nero, in his amphitheatre, had this trellis gilt, and its intersections ornamented with bosses of amber. (Plin. //. N. xxxvii. 3. s. 11. § 2). The wall just mentioned appears to have been faced with marble, and to have had rollers suspended against it as an additional protection against the possibility of the wild beasts climbing it. (Lips, de Amph. 12.) The terrace on the top of this wall, which was called podium (a name sometimes also applied to the wall itself), was no wider than to be capable of containing two, or at the most three ranges of moveable seats, or chairs. This, as being by far the best situation for distinctly viewing the sports in the arena, and also more commodiously accessible than the seats higher up, was the place set apart for senators and other persons of distinction, such as the ambassadors of foreign statcB (Suet. Octav. 44 ; Juv. Sat ii. 143, &c) ; the magistrates seem to have sat here in their curule chairs (Lipsius de Amph. 11); and it was here, also, that the emperor himself used to sit, in an elevated place called suggestus (Suet. Caes. 76 ; Plin. Paneg. 51), or cubiculum (Suet. Nero, 12) ; and likewise the person who exhibited the games, on a place elevated like a pulpit or tribunal (editoris tribunal). The vestal virgins also appear to have had a place allotted to them on the podium. (Suet Octav. 44).
Above the podium were the gradus, or Beats of the other spectators, which were divided into stories called maeniana. The whole number of seats is supposed to have been about eighty. The first maenianum, consisting of fourteen rows of stone of
marble seats, was appropriated to the equestrian order. The seats appropriated to the senators and equitcs were covered with cushions (/>«*/viltis), which were first used in the time of Caligula. (Juv. Sat iii. 154 ; Dion, lix. 7.) Then, after a horizontal space, termed a praecinctio, and forming a continued landing-place from the several staircases which opened on to it, succeeded the second maenianum, where were the seats called. popularia (Suet. Domitian. 4), for the third Culss of spectators, or the populus. Behind this was the second praecinctio, bounded by the high wall already mentioned ; above which was the third maenianum, where there were only wooden benches for the puUati, or common people. (Suet. Octav. 44.) The open gallery at the top was the only part of the amphitheatre, in which women were permitted to witness the games, except the vestal virgins, and perhaps a few ladies of distinction and influence who were suffered to share the space appropriated to the vestals (Suet. Octav. 44). The seats of the maeniana did not run in unbroken lines round the whole building, but were divided into portions called cunei (from their shape), by short flights of stairs which facilitated the access to the seats- (Suet Oct 44 ; Juv. Sat. vi. 61.) See the plan, and the annexed section of a small portion of the seats.
Not only were the different ranges of seats appropriated to different classes of spectators, but it is pretty certain also that the different cunei of each maenianum were assigned to specific portions of the people, who were at once guided to their places by numbers placed over the external arches by which the building was entered : these numbers still exist The office of preserving order in the distribution of the places was assigned to attendants called locarii, and the whole management was under the superintendence of the viUicus amphitheatre.
It only remains to describe the arena, or central open space for the combatants, which derived its name from the sand with which it was covered, chiefly for the purpose of absorbing the blood. Such emperors as Caligula, Nero, and Carinus, showed their prodigality by using cinnabar and borax instead of the common sand. It was bounded, as already stated, by the wall of the podium, but in the earlier amphitheatres, in which the podium was probably not so lofty, there were ditches (euripi) between it and the arena, which were chiefly meant as a defence against the elephants. The euripi were first made by Julius Caesar, and were dispensed with by Nero, in
order to gain space for the spectators. (Suet. Cart. 33 : Pun. H. M~. liil 7 ; Lipeias aV Am pi. 12.)
The ipmce of the arena was entirely open, except that perhaps there was, in the centre, an altar of Diana, or Pluto, or of Jnpiter Latiaria, on which, it is interred from some passages of the ancient ssthors, that a isawjaytasj was sacrificed at the openis^ of the games ; but the evidence is very slight (Lips, de Ampk. 4.) There were four principal entrances to it, at the extremities af the axes of the ellipse, by passages which led directly from the mar corresponding arches of the exterior: there were also minor entrances through the wall of the rurfiam. There is a difficulty about the poemon of the dens of the wild beasts. The rapidity with which vast numbers of animsli were let loose into the csneao proTes that the dens most hare been dose to it. The spaces under the seats seem to have been dcToted entirely to the passage of the spectators, with only the exception of the innermost corridor, the entrances from which to tie aram soggest the probability that it was subsidiary to the arena ; but, even if so, it was probably used rather for the introduction and removal of the animals, than for their safe keeping. Some hare apposed dens in the wall of the podium : but this is quite insufficient. In the year 1813, the anas was excavated, and extensive subs true , which, it has been supposed, lens, from which the were let
the arena through trap-doors. The chief difficulty is to reconcile such an arrangement with the fact that the snM was frequently flooded and used for a naval combat, and that too in the intervals between the fights of wild-beasts. (Calpurn. Edog. vii. 64, 73: the whole poem is a very interesting description of the games of the amphitheatre.) [naimachia.] All that can be said with any approach to certainty is, that these substructions were either dens for the animals, or channels far water, and possibly they may have been so arranged as to combine both uses, though it is difficult to understand how this could have been managed. The only method of solving the d~J?,culty in those cases in which a nammaekia took place ceftrsa the mtatumet, appears to be, to aj^ume that the »nimnl« intended for the second ecKxnb were kept in the innermost colonnade, or in dens in its immediate vicinity during the naumacJua ; unless, which seems to us quite incredible, there was any contrivance for at the same time admitting the air to, and excluding the water from, their cells beneath the arena. In the amphitheatre at Verona, there are remains of channels for water under the arena, communicating with an opening in its centre; but some antiquaries believe that these were only intended for draining off the ram water.
It is unnecessary to attempt a detailed description of the statues and other ornaments with which the amphitheatre was adorned ; but the velarium, or awning, by which the spectators were sheltered from the sun, requires some explanation, which wil be found under Velum. The space required for the working' of the velarium, and the height otcemrr fa keeping it from bending down by hi on weight to low as to obstruct the view from the upper benches, are probably the reasons for tie pat disproportion between the he,ght of the
The luxurious appliances of fountains of ■ water to refresh the spectators, and so forth, are sufficiently described in the passage already quuu-d from Gibbon. (Comp. Lucas, ix. IMlll).
III. IMJter AmpnaJuatnt.— The Flavian aro
the time of its erection, the only one in Knmc ; for the obvious reason that it was sufficient for the whole population. The little A mrmttiutatntm ( usIrenm was probably only intended for the soldiers of the guard, who amused themselves there with fights of gladiators. But in the provincial cities, and especially the colonies, there were many am
phitheatres. Indeed, it is not a little interesting to observe the contrast between the national tastes of the Greeks and Koreans, which is indicated by the remains of theatres in the coluoics of the former, and of amphitheatres in those of the latter. The immense expense of their construction would, however, naturally prevent the erection of many such buildings as the Colisaeum. (Cassiod. £/>. v, 42.) The provincial amphitheatres were, probably, like the earlier ones at Home itself, gviierally built of wood, such as those at Placrntia and Fidenae, already mentioned. Of these wooden amphitheatres there sre of course no remains; but in several of the larger cities of the Hainan empire there are important ruins of large amphitheatres of stone. The principal are tnose at Verona, Paestum, Pompeii, and Capua, in Italy ; at Niraes, Aries, and Frcjus, in France ; at Pnla, in Istria ; at Syracuse, Catania, and some other cities in Sicily. They are all constructed on the same general principles as the Colisaeum, from which, again, they all differ by the absence of the outermost corridor ; and, consequently, their height could not have exceeded three stories ; while some of them only had two. Of the Veronese amphitheatre, the outer wall and colonnado are entirely gone, excepting four arches ; but the rest of the building is almost perfect. When complete, it had seventy-two arches in the outer circle, and, of course, the same number of radiating walls, with their passages and staircases; the lengths of the axes of the outer ellipse were £00 and 404 feet, those of the arena, 242 and 146. It was probably built under Domitian and Norva, (Maffei, Verona Illustrata.) The next in importance is that at Nimes, the outer dimensions of which are computed at 434 by 340 feet. ** Thft exterior wall, which is nearly perfect, consists nf a ground story and upper story, each pierced with sixty arches, and is surmounted by an attic Its height, from the level of the ground, is above 70 English feet. The lower or ground story is adorned with pilasters, and the upjx-r with Tuscan or Doric columns. The attic snows the holes destined to receive the posts on which was stretched the awning that covered the amphitheatre. The rows of seats are computed to have been originally 32 in number. There were four principal entrances. The amphitheatre has been computed to hold 17,000 persons: it was built with great solidity, without cement." (Pen. Cyclop, art. Srmri.) That at Aries was three stories high, and has the peculiarity of being built on uneven ground, so that the lowest story is, for the mnat part, below the level of the surface, and the principal entrances are on the second story. (For a detailed description, see fiuis, liescrijtion 16o'5 ; and Pea. Cyrlup.
art. Aries.) Both these amphitheatres belong probably to the time of the Antonincs. (Maftei, de Amph. Gall) The amphitheatre at Pola stands on the Bide of a hill, and is higher on one side than on the other. There is little to remark respecting the other amphitheatres, except that a fragment of an inscription, found in that at Capua, informs us that it was built under Hadrian, at the cost of the inhabitants of the city, and was dedicated by Antoninus Pius j and, concerning that of Pompeii, that the earthquake, which preceded the eruption by which the city was buried, injured the amphitheatre so much, that antiquarians have been disappointed in looking for any new information from it ; there is an excellent description of it in the work entitled Pompeii, vol. i. c. 9. There are traces of amphitheatres of a ruder kind, chiefly of earth, in various parts of our own country, as at Dorchester, Silchcster, Caerleon, and Redruth.
IV. Uses of the Amphitheatre. — This part of the subject is treated of under Gladiatores, Naumachia, and Venationes. This is not the place to discuss the influence of the spectacles of the amphitheatre on the character and destinies of the Roman people : some good remarks on the subject will be found in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge, Menageries, vol. iL c 12. [P. S.J AMPHOMO'SIA. [amphiorkia.] AM'PHORA (ifupopfis, old form apjpupopebs, Horn. II. xxiii. 107 ; Od. x. 164, et alib. ; Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1187 ; Simon, in Anth. Pal. xiii. 19). A largo vessel, which derived its name from its being made with a handle on each side of the neck (from irtn, on both sides, and whence also it was called diota, that is, a vessel with two ears (oiarros, olaros or KdSia-Kos, Plat Hipp. Maj. p. 288, d. ; Ath. xi. p. 473 j Moeris s. v. i/upopfa ; Hor. Carm. i. 9. 8). The form and sire varied, but it was generally made tall and narrow, and terminating in a point, which could be let into a stand or into the ground, to keep the vessel upright; several amphorae have been found in this position in the cellars at Pompeii. The following cut represents amphorae from the Townley and Elgin collections in the British Museum.
The usual material of the amphora was earthenware (Ilor. de Ar. Poet. 21), whence it was also called testa {Carm. i. 20. 2) : but Homer mentions them of gold and of stone (II xxiii. 92 ; Od. xxiv. 74, xiii. 105) : and in later times glass amphorae were not uncommon (Petron. 34) ; several have been found at Pompeii: Nepos mentions, as a great rarity, amphorae of onyx, as large as Chian cadi (ap. Plin. H.N. xxxvi. 7. s. 12). The amphora was often mado without handles. The name of the maker, or of the place of manufacture, was sometimes stamped upon them : this is the case with two in the Elgin collection, Nos. 238 and 244. [fictile.]
Amphorae were used for the preservation of various things which required careful keeping, such as wine, oil, honey, grapes, olives, and other fruits (Horn. H. xxiii. 170; Cato, R. R. x. 2 j Colum. R. R. xii. 16, 47 ; Hor. Epod. ii. IS ; Cic. c. Verr. iv. 74); for pickled meats (Xen. Anab. v. 4. § 28) ; and for molten gold and lead (HcrocL iii. 96 j Nepos, Hann. 9). There is in the British Museum a vessel resembling an amphora, which contains the line African sand used by the athletae. It was found, with seventy others, in the baths of Titus, in 1772. Respecting the use of the amphora in the streets of Rome, sec Petron. 70, 79 j Propert, iv. S. 73 ; Macrob. Sat ii. 12 ; and the commentators on Lucretius, iv. 1023. Homer and Sophocles mention amphorae as used for cinerary urns (II xxiii. 91, 92 ; Soph. Er. 303, Dind.) ; and a discovery was made at Salona, in 1825, which proves that they were used as coffins: the amphora was divided in half in the direction of its length to receive the corpse, and the two halves were put together again and buried in the earth: the skeletons were found still entire. (Steinbilchel, Alterthum. p. 67.) Amphorae of particular kinds were used for various other purposes, such as the amphora nasitema for irrigation (Cato, R. R. 11. § 3), and the amphora spartea, which was perhaps a wicker amphora for gathering grapes in. (Ibid. § 2.)
The most important employment of the amphora was for the preservation of wine : its use for this purpose is fully described under Vinum. The following woodcut, taken from a painting on the wall of a house at Pompeii, represents the mode of filling the amphora from a wine-cart.
[graphic][merged small]
The same ampkom was also applied both by lie Greeks and the Romans to a definite measure of capacity, which, however, was different among the two peoples, the Roman amphora being only tiro-thirds of the Greek i+Lpoptvs. In both cases the word appears to be an abbreviation, the full phrase being in Greek a+upoptvi furp^r^s {Uu C-ituiird aB£pkora\ and in L>atin ampbora quadmial {tMi cubic amjJiorri). Respecting the meathemselves, see Mktkstks, Quadbantal. At Rome a standard amphora, called amphora C-ayVuftari, was kept in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol (Rhemn. Faun, de Pond. 61 ; CapitoL .Vtua*. 4). The size of ships was estimated by assphorae (Cut. ad Fax. xii. 15 ; Lit. ni. 63); sad the produce of a vineyard was reckoned by the camber of amijaorae, or of add (of twenty aapfcorae eaehl, which it yielded. [P.S.] AMPLIATHX [jddkiuh.] AMPULLA (X^irvfloi, JSope'vAiot), a bottle, GfBaUr made either of glass or earthenware, rarely d more valuable materials. Bottles both of glass aad earthenware are preserved in great quantities m ocr collections of antiquities, and their forms are very various, though always narrow-mouthed, aad generally more or less approaching to globular. Fram their round and swollen shape, Horace applies the word, a* the Greeks did Kh«v8ot, to indicate grand and turgid, but empty, language. 1 Hor. Ep. I 3.14, de A r. Foil. 97.) Bottles were used for holding all kinds of liquids, and are mentioned especially in connection with the bath. Every Roman took with him to the bath a bottle of oil {ampulla oUarya\ for anointing the body after bathing, and as such bottles frequently contained perfumed oils we read of ampullae cosmianae. (Mart. iii. 82. 26.) A bottle of this kind is figured under Balnevm.
The dealer in bottles was called ampuHarius, and part of his business was to cover them with leather (eoriasu). A bottle so covered was called ampulla raUda. (PlauL Rud. iii. 4. 51, Stick ii 1. 77, compared with Festus, s. r. Rubida.)
AMPYX, AMPYCTER (o^ru{, kp.TvKrhp\ called by the Romans frontale, was a broad band or plate of metal, which Greek ladies of rank wore upon the forehead as part of the head-dress. (//. xxii. 468—470 ; AeschyL Sxpp. 431 ; Theocr. i. 33.) Hence it is attributed to the female divinities. Artemis wears a frontal of gold (xpvatav &/ixnko, Eurip. Her- 464) ; and the epithet ypucifLnKtr is applied by Homer, Hesiod, and Pindar to the Moses, the Hours, and the Fates. From the exTaj irtwiipTvjca &f}€tw in a fragment of we may infer that this ornament was i made of blue steel (kvovos) instead of gold ; and the Scholiast on the above cited passage of Euripides asserts, that it was sometime* enriched with precious stones.
Tie frontal of a hone was called by the same name, and was occasionally made of similar rich materials. Hence, in the Iliad, the horses which draw the chariots of Hera and of Arcs are called xpva&pjruKu.
The annexed woodent exhibit»*the frontal on the had of Pegasus, taken from one of Sir William HamHuml vases, in contrast with the correspondin? ornament as sAown on the heads of two females in the same collection. Fmah, were also worn oy elephants. (lit.
poses the men to have worn frontals in I.vdia. They appear to have been worn by the Jews and other nations of the East. (IMiL vi. U, xi. 18.) [J. Y.]
AMULETL'M (wvpiowror, Tfploppo, *n>\oKTvioMw), an amulet. This word in Arabic (llamalet ) means that which is nuptnded. 11 was probably brought by Arabian merchants, together with the articles to which it was applied, when they were imported into Europe from the EasL It first occurs in the Natural History of Pliny.
An amulet was any object — a stone, a plant, an artificial production, or a piece of writing — which was suspended from the neck, or tied to any part of the body, for the purpose of counteracting poison, curing or preventing disease, warding off the evil eye, aiding women in childbirth, or obviating calamities and securing advantages of any kind.
Faith in the virtues of amulets was almost universal in the ancient world, so that the whole art of medicine consisted in a very considerable decree of directions for their application ; and in proportion to the quantity of amulets preserved in our collections of antiquities, is the frequent mention of them in ancient treatises on natural history, on the practice of medicine, and on the virtues of plants and stones. Some of the amulets in our museums are merely rough unpolished fragments of such stones as amber, agate, cornelian, and jasper; others are wrought into the shape of beetles, quadrupeds, eyes, fingers, and other members of the body. There can be no doubt that the selection of stones either to be set in rings, or strung together in necklaces, was often made with reference to their reputed virtues as amulets. (Plin. //. N. xxv. 9. s. 67, xxix. 4. s. 19, xxx. 10. s. 24., xxxvii. 8. s. 37.) [FASciNua.] [J.Y.]
AMUSSIS or AMUSSIUM, a carpenter's and mason's instrument, the use of which was to obtain a true plane surface ; but its construction is difficult to make out from the statements of the ancient writers. It appears clearly from Vitruvius (L 6. § 6) that it was different from the regula (straight rule), and from the libella (plumbline or square), and that it was used for obtaining a truer surface, whether horizontal or perpendicular, than those two instruments together would give. It is defined by the grammarians as a rtyula or tabula, made perfectly plane and smooth, and used for making work level and for smoothing stones {Regula ad qmam aliquid exaequatur, Festus, s. e.; arnumau eat aequamcntum levujatum, et est apud fabrot tabula quaedam, qua utuntur ad earn leriijanda, Van. ap, A'on. i. 28) ; and another grammarian very clearly describes it as a plane surface, covered with red ochre, which was placed on work, in order to test its smoothness, which it of course did by leaving the mark of the red ochre on any projections. (A mussis est tabula rubricaia quae demittitur acaminandi opens gratia, an rectum opus surgat, Sisenna, ap. Charts, ii. p. 178, Putsch). There was also a difference of opinion among the grammarians, whether the amussis was only an instrument for trying a level, or a tool for actually making one (Festus,*. r. Examussim). The amussis was made sometimes of iron (Fest ibid.), and sometimes of marble (Vitmv. I. c). It gives rise to the adverbs amussim, adamussim, and ejeamussim, meaning with perfect regularity and exactness. (See Forcellini, Lexicon.) [P. S.]
AMU'SSIUM. [amussis.]
ANADE'MA. [mitra.]
ANADI'KIA (iraSutfa). [apellatio.]
ANA'GLYPHA or ANAGLYPTA (iriy\wpa, dyiyKmrra), chased or embossed vessels made of bronze or of the precious metals, which derived their name from the work on them being in relief, and not engraved. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 11. 8. 49 ; Virg. Acn. v. 267 j Martial, iv. 39 ; Caelatura ; Torkltice.) The name was also applied to sculptured gems. [P. S.]
ANAGLYPTA. [anaglypha.]
ANAGNOSTAE, also called Lectores, were slaves, who were employed by the educated Romans in reading to them during meals or at other times. (Cic adAtt. i. 12; Corn. Nep, Att. 14 ; Plin. Ep. i. 15, iii. 5, ix. 36.)
ANAOO'GES DIKE' (ivayuyris S!kv\ If an individual sold a slave who had some secret disease—such, for instance, as epilepsy—without informing the purchaser of the circumstance, it was in the power of the latter to bring an action against the vendor within a certain time, which was fixed by the laws. In order to do this, he had to report (aviyttv) to the proper authorities the nature of the disease ; whence the action was called avar/ayris Sun). Plato supplies us with some information on this action; but it is uncertain whether his remarks apply to the action which was brought in the Athenian courts, or to an imaginary form of proceeding. (Plat Leg. xi. p. 916 ; Hesych. ». v. avayuryt): Suid. s. v. ivayuyf], IviytaOai; Meier, Att. Process, p. 525.)
ANAGO'GIA (ivaytiyia), a festival celebrated at Eryx, in Sicily, in honour of Aphrodite. The inhabitants of the place believed that, during this festival, the goddess went over into Africa, and that all the pigeons of the town and its neighbourhood likewise departed and accompanied her. (Aelian, Hist. An. iv. 2, V. H. i. 14 j Athen. ix. p. 394.) Nine days afterwards, at the so-called Karraydryta (return), one pigeon having returned and entered the temple, the rest followed. This was the signal for general rejoicing and feasting. The whole district was said at this time to smell of butter, which the inhabitants believed to be a sign that Aphrodite had returned. (Athen. ix. p. 395 ; comp. K. F. Hermann, Lehrb. d. gottesdienst. AUerth. d. Griechen, § 68. n. 29.) [L. S.1
ANAKEIA (avaVeia) or ANAKEION (h>&Kttov), a festival of the Dioscuri, or *avoict€j, as they were called, at Athens. (HcBych. vol. i. p. 325 ; Pollux, i. 37.) Athcnacua (vi. p. 235) mentions a temple of the Dioscuri called 'Avdicfiov, at Athens; he also informs us (iv. p. 137) that
the Athenians, probably on the occasion of this festival, nsed to prepare for these heroes in the Prytaneium a meal consisting of cheese, a barley cake, ripe figs, olives, and garlic, in remembrance of the ancient mode of living. These heroes however, received the most distinguished honours in the Dorian and Achaean states, where it may be supposed that every town celebrated a festival in their honour, though it may not have been under the name of avdiceta. Pausanias (x. 38. 3) mentions a festival held at Amphissa, called that of the aydxTecv watSuv: but adds that it was disputed whether they were the Dioscuri, the Curetes, or the Cabeiri. (K. F. Hermann,Lebrb. d.gottcsdienst. Alter th. d. Griechen, § 62. n. 27.) [L.S.] ANAKEl'MENA (iycuctlutva). [donaria.] ANAKLETE RIA (ivoitATrHjpia), the name of a solemnity at which a young prince was proclaimed king, and ascended the throne. The name was chiefly applied to the accession of the Ptolemaic kings of Egypt (Polyb. Reliq. xviil 38, xxviiL 10.) The prince went to Memphis, and was there adorned by the priests with the sacred diadem, and led into the temple of Phtha, where he vowed not to make any innovations cither in the order of the year or of the festivals. He then carried to some distance the yoke of Apis, in order to be reminded of the sufferings of man. Rejoicings and sacrifices concluded the solemnity. (Diod. Fragm. lib. xxx.) [L. S.]
ANAKLYPTE'RIA. [matrimonii;;*.] ANA'KRISIS (avixpiois), the preliminary investigation of a case by a magistrate or archon, before it was brought before the courts of justice at Athens. For the purpose of ascertaining whether the action would lie, both parties, the complainant and defendant, were summoned, separately, and if cither of them did not appear with ■ out a formal request to have the matter delayed (inrafiooia), he tacitly pleaded guilty, and accordingly lost the suit (Demosth. c. Theocr. p. 1324.) The anacrisis began by both the plaintiff and the defendant taking an oath, the former thereby attesting that he had instituted the prosecution with truth and conscientiousness (rpowfiocla), and the latter, that to the best of his knowledge he was innocent (inrunoola). (Timaeus, Lac. Plat. p. 38, with Ruhnken's note ; Diog. Laert ii. 40 ; Plat Apol. Socr. 3.) It was further promised by both, that the subsequent prosecution and defence should be conducted with fairness and justice. (Harpocrat, Suid., Hesych. s. v. iyrauoa'ui: Pollux, viii. 122.) If the defendant did not bring forward any objection to the matter being brought before a court of justice, the proceeding was termed f vOvSiicia. (Demosth. c Phorm. p. 908, c. Stcph. p. 1103.) Such objections might be raised in regard to the incompetency of the court to which the matter was to be referred, or in regard to the form in which the accusation was brought forward, and the like (Lys. c. Panel, p. 732 ; Pollux, viii. 57) ; they were always looked upon with suspicion (Demosth. c. Leoch. p. 1097, p. Phorm. p. 944) ; but, nevertheless, they were not unfrequently resorted to by defendants, either in the form of a Stafiaprvpla, or that of a Tapaypaarfj. In the case of a biapjaprvpla, the plaintiff had to bring forward witnesses to show that the objections raised by the defendant were unfounded ; and if this could not be done, the defendant had a right to bring witnesses to show that his objectiuus


were founded on justice, and in accordance with the lav*. But each of the litigant panic* night denounce the witnesses of his op poo en t as false witnesses* and thus a secondary lawsuit might be interwoven with the principal one. If the oiopaprvpia was resorted to in a civil case, the party who x&ade use of it had to deposit a rum of money (TapaxarraGoX-fi), and when the plaintiff lost his rait, he had to pay to the defendant a fine for having raised an accusation without foundation, la lawsuits about the succession to the property of a person, the StsyiopTvpia was the cnly form in which objections could be raised. (Bckkcr, JmecdU. p. 236.) The Tapaypatp^ was an objection in writing, which was made by the defendant, without his employing any witnesses, ami which was decided upon in court; and in this, also, the loser had to pay a fine to the party that gained the suit. (Pollux, riii 58.) When the plaintiff gained his case, the prosecution proceeded in its regular course. The ajrtyjxxp-r], however, might be something more than a mere ofcrjcciktn, inasmuch as the defendant might turn against the plaintiff, and raise an accusation against him. Such an accusation very commonly consisted in the defendant charging his accuser with having no right to claim the privileges of an Athenian citizen, in consequence of which the latter was prevented from exercising those privilesr» until he had established his claims to them. This kind of amypap-ii was frequently a mere device to annoy the plaintiff. These are, in general, the proceedings in the from what thus took place, it is * that the main part of the evidence on both i was brought out in the &ydxpuris, and at the regular trial in court the main object was to work upon the minds of the judges through the innuence of the orators, with reference to the evidence brought out in the ajtbtpuri*. The latter, therefore, consisted of the simple evidence which required no oratorical discussion, and which was contained,— 1. in lawi ; 2. in documents ; 3. in the statement of free witnesses ; 4. in the statement of slaves ; and 5. in oaths. In all these kinds of evidence, one party might have recourse to the wpocAijo-is, that is, call upon the other party to bring forward such other evidence as was ■ not alreadv given. (Demosth. c. Stepk. p. 1006, c Tkeoer. p. 987, c. Pwdae*. p. 978.) There was, however, no strict obligation to comply with such a demand (Demosth. cOiynp. p. 1181), and in the party called upon might, in acwith established laws, refuse to comply with the demand ; for instance, persons belonging to the same ramily could not be compelled to appear as witnesses against one another. (Demosth. c r». p. 1195.) But if the reading of a document, throwing light upon the point at issue, was refosed, the other party might bring in a 5iVrj us ' ' Karatnaffir.
la regard to the lavs which either party might adduce in in rapport, it must be observed, that eoP*fci of them had to be read in the anacrisis, ««* it •■onld hare been difficult for any magi*or judge to fix, at once, upon the law or iai baring upon the question at issue. In what HfflKr the authorities were enabled to insure Huthhlmd correct copies being taken of the laws, it not know; but it is highly probable that any (Of wbo took a copy in the archives, had to get
the signature of some public officer or scribe to attest the correctness of the copy.
Other legal documents, such aj 0i)«ai, avytpaj$*i\ wills, books of other records (Ik'masth. /•. J'korm. p. 950), not only required the signature and seal of the party concerned, but their authenticity had to be attested by witnesses. (IVraosth. e. (/mi. p. 869).
Evidence (fiaprvpla) was git en not only by freeborn and grown-up allien*, but also by strangers or aliens (Demosth. c LaeriL pp. 937, 929, 930, 937 \ aod even from absent persons evidence might be procured (fcpaorvpla, Demosth. c Skpi. p. 1130 ; Pollux, viii. 36\ or a statement of a deceased person might be referred to (icesjr uopTvpctr, Demosth. e. Strpk. p. 1130, c. Lsock. p. 1097). If any one was railed upon to bear witness (sAwrssW), he could not refuse it; and if he refused, he might be compelled to pay a 6ne of 1000drachmae(Demosth.pp.396, 403 ; Aeschin. e. Timocr. p. 71), unless he could establish by an oath (/(stpocrta), that he aaa unable to give his evidence in the case. Any one who had promised to bear witness, and afterwards failed to do so, became liable to the action of aunt Xtnoftoprvplov or fiXASiti. The evidence of an avowed friend or enemy of either party might lie rejected. (Aeschin. e. Timocr. p. i'2.) All evidence was either taken down in writing as it was given by the witnesses, or in case of its having been sent in previously in writing, it was read aloud to the witness fur his recognition, and he had generally to confirm his statement by an oath. (Demosth. C Stepk. pp. 1114, 1119, 1130, c Com. p. 1269 ; comp. Diog. Lnert.
W. 7.) The mony of slaves was valid only when extorted by instruments of torture, tn which either one party might offer to expose a slave, or the other might demand the torture of a slave. (Demosth. c. A'iOMfcr. p. 1254, r. Apkob. p. 855, c Oct p. 874, C Stepk. p. 1135.)
A distinct oath was required in cases where there were no witnesses or documents, but it has been remarked above that oaths were also taken to confirm the authenticity of a document, or the truth of a statement of a witness. [jLSjraiKDlK.J
If the evidence produced was so clear and satisfactory, that there was no doubt aa to who was right, the magistrate could decide the case at once, without sending it to be tried in a court. During the anacrisis aa well as afterwards in the regular court, the litigant parties might settle their dispute by an amicable arrangement. (Demosth. c. Tkcocriu. p. 13-3, c. Mid. p. 529 ; Aeschin. de Fait. Leg. p. 269 ; Pollux, viii. 143.) But if the plaintifT, in a public matter, dropped his accusation, he became liable to a fine of 1000 drachmae, and incurred partial atimia ; in later times, however, this punishment was not always inflicted, and in civil cases the plaintiff only lost the sum of money which he had deposited. When the parties did not come to an understanding during the anacrisis, all the various kinds of evidence brought forward were put into a vessel called txivot, which was sealed and entrusted to some officer to be kept until it was wanted on the day of trial. (Demosth. r. Olymp. p. 1173 ; ScboL ad Arittoph. Vesp. 1427.) The period between the conclusion of the preliminary investigation and until the matter was brought before a court, was considered to belong to the anacrisis, and that period was differently fixed by law, according to the nature of the charge. In cases of murder, the period was never less than three months, and in others the trial in court commenced on the thirtieth day after the beginning of the anacrisis, as, e. g. in the oi#cIpayitcal, fatropiKal, urroAAtKat, and Jtooikos (Harpocrat. ». v. f/i/inKoi Sinai ; Pollux, viii. 63, 101), and the day fixed for the trial was called mpla Too v6)xov. (Demosth. c Mid. p. 544.) In other cases, the day was fixed by the magistrate who conducted the anacrisis. But cither party might petition for a postponement of the trial, and the opposite party might oppose the petition by an oath that the ground on which the delay was sought for, was not valid, or unsatisfactory. (Harpocrat. ». v.irtvrufui; Pollux, viii. 60.) Through such machinations, the decision of a case might be delayed to the detriment of justice ; and the annals of the Athenian courts are not wanting in numerous instances, in which the ends of justice were thwarted in this manner for a number of years. (Demosth. e. Mid. p. .'541 ; comp. Meier and Schomann, DerAtt. Proc p. 622 ; C. F. Hermann, Grieck. Staatealth. § 141 ; Schoman, AntiquiL Jur. pubL Graec. p. 279 ; Wachsmuth, Hcllen. Alterlhumtkunde, ii. p. 262, &c. 2nd edit.) The examination which an archon underwent before he entered on his office, was likewise called ivixpuris. [L. S.]
ANALEMMA (aWXnwO, m >ts original meaning, is any thing raised or supported; it is applied in the plural to walls built on strong foundations. (Hesych. Suid. ». v.) Vitruvius uses the word to describe an instrument which, by marking the lengths of the shadows of a fixed gnomon, showed the different altitudes of the sun at the different periods of the year. (Vitruv. ix. 7, 8. s. 6, 7, Schneider.) It must not be confounded with the modem analemraa, which is much more complicated and precise than the instrument described by Vitruvius. [P. S.J
ANAPIE'SMATA. [theatrum.]
ANATHE'MATA (oj-aSVoro.) [dowaria.]
ANAUMACHIOU GRAPHE' (4i>a../iax(ou ypatyfi), was an impeachment of the trierarch who had kept aloof from action while the rest of the fleet was engaged. From the personal nature of the offence and the punishment, it is obvious that this action could only have been directed against the actual commander of the ship, whether he was the sole person appointed to the office, or the active partner of the perhaps many ffwriXm, or the mere contractor (o fiiffduirifitvof). In a cause of this kind, the strategi would be the natural and official judges. The punishment prescribed by law for this offence was a modified atimia, by which the criminal and his descendants were deprived of their political franchise; but, as we learn from Andocides, were allowed to retain possession of their property. (De MyO. p. 10. 22, ed. Steph. ; Petit Leg. Att. p. 667.) [J.S.M.]
ANAXAGOREIA (ayaja-yopfia), a day of recreation for all the youths at Lampsacus, which took place once every year, in compliance, it was said, with a wish expressed by Anaxagoras, who, after being expelled from Athens, spent the remainder of his life here. This continued to be observed even in the time of Diogenes Laertius. (Anamg. c. 10.) [L. 8.]
ANCHISTEIA (hyxurrtla). [herbs.]
ANCI'LE. [salil]
ANCILLA. [servus.]
A'NCORA. [navis.]
A'NKULE (iyiciKi). [hasta.]
ANDABATAE. [gladiator.]
ANDREIA (a*8p.ra). [syssitia.]
A'NDRIAS (avSpi'os). [statuAria.]
ANDROGEO'NIA ("Ai*po7«<4»-m), a festival with games, held every year in the Cerameicua at Athens, in honour of the hero Androgeua, son of Minos, who had overcome all his adversaries in the festive games of the Panathcnaea, and was afterwards killed by his jealous rivals. (Pans. i. 27. § 9; Apollod. Hi. 15. § 7; Hygin-Foi. 41 j Diod. iv. 60, 61.) According to Hesychius, the hero also bore the name of Eurygyes (the possessor of extensive lands), and under this title games were celebrated in his honour, b It? Evpvyvy iytir. (Hesych. vol. i. p. 1332 j K. F. Hermann^ Gottesdietut. Alterth. d. Griechen, § 62, n. 22. [L. S.]
ANDROLE'PSIA (irlpow.ila or a^yo\r,yw), a legal means by which the Athenians were enabled to take vengeance upon a community in which an Athenian citizen had been murdered. For when the state or city in whose territory the murder had been committed, refused to bring the murderer to trial, the law allowed the Athenians to take possession of three individuals of that state or city, and to have them imprisoned at Athens, as hostages, until satisfaction was given, or the murderer delivered up, and the property found upon the persons thus seized was confiscated. (Demosth. c Aristocr. p. 647 ; Harpocrat. *. r. ; Pollux, viii. 40 ; Suid. and Etym. M. a «.; Bekker, Aneaiot. p. 213.) The persons entrusted with the office of seizing upon the three hostages, were usually the trierarchs, and the commanders of ships of war. (Demosth. De Cbron. Trier, p. 1232.) This Athenian custom is analogous to the darigatio of the Romans. (Liv. viii. 14.) [L.S.]
ANDRONI'TIS. [domus, Greek.]
ANGARI'A (47-ya/xfa, Hdt. iyyv*l'""f) i* a word borrowed from the Persians, signifying a system of posting, which was used among that people, and which, according to Xenophon, was established by Cyras. Horses were provided, at certain distances, along the principal roads of the empire ; so that couriers (0770001), who also, of course, relieved one another at certain distances, could proceed without interruption, both night and day, and in all weathers. (Herod, viii. 98 ; hi. 126 ; Xen. Cyrop. viii. 6. § 17; Suid. s. v.) It may easily be supposed that, if the government arrangements failed in any point, the service of providing horses was made compulsory on individuals ; and hence the word came to mean compulsory service in forwarding royal messages ; and in this sense it was adopted by the Romans under the empire, and is frequently found in the Roman laws. The Roman angaria, also called angariarvm ezhibitio or praestatio, included the maintenance and supply, not only of horses, but of ships and messengers, in forwarding both letters and burdens ; it is defined as a pereonale munus; and there was no ground of exemption from it allowed, except by the favour of the emperor. (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18. §§ 4,29 ; tit. 5. s. 10,11; 49, tit. 18. s. 4. § 1 ; Cod. Theod. 8. tit. 5 ; Cod. Justin. 12. tit. 51.)
According to Suidas, the Persian word wai on
finally applied to any bearers of burdens, and
Mix, to compolsoTT service of anv kind. [P. S.] ANGIPORTUS, or ANGIPORTUM, a narrow laae between two rows of bouses ; such a lane raight bare no issoe at all, or end in a private boose, so as to be what the French call a CSS* sis joe, or it might terminate at both ends in some public street. The ancients derived the word from aapMTau and portes, and explain it as meaning, originally, the narrow entrance to a port. (Fest. p. 17. ed. Miillex ; Varro, IH L. L. v. 145, Tl 41 ; Ulpian, in Dig. De Signif. Verb. 59.) The cumber of such narrow courts, closes, or lanes seems to baTe been considerable in ancient Rome. (Cic de Itre. I 32, p. MiL 24, ad Ham. hr. 51 ; Pant. Pmnd. iv. 2. 6, op. Xam. iii. 1 ; Ter. MdjX. iv. 2. 39 ; HoraL Conn. L 25. 10 ; CatulL 58.4.) [L.S.J ANGUSTUS CLAVUS. [ciavcs.] ANNA'LES MA'XIMI. [Pox-rirxx.] ANNCNA is nsed to signify, 1. The produce at the year in corn, fruit, wine, etc, and hence, 2. Previsions in general, especially the corn which, in the latter Tears of* the republic, was collected in the storehouses of the state, and sold to the poor at a cheap rate in times of scarcity ; and which, under the emperors, was distributed to the people graOitously, or given as pay and rewards. [con
GIASUVM ; FbtTMINTAT10 ; Praxpecti'8 AN
SOBAB.] [P. S.1
A'NNULUS (Saa-rvAjoi), a ring. Every freeBan in Greece appears to have used a ring ; and, at least in the earliest times, not as an ornament, but as an article for use, as the ring always served as a seaL How ancient the custom if wearing rinei among the Greeks was, cannot be ascertained ; though it is certain, as even Pliny (//. N. xxxiii. 4) observes, that in the Homeric poems there are no traces of it. In works of fiction, however, and in those legends in which the customs of later ages are mixed up with those of the' earliest times, we find the most ancient heroes described as wearing rings. (Pans. L 17. J 3, x. 30. § 2 j Eurip. Ipkig. A oL 154, HrppoL 859.) But it is highly probable that the custom of wearing rings was introduced into Greece from Asia, where it appears to have been almost universaL (Herod, i. 195 ; Plat, de he Puil. ii. p. 359.) In the time of Solon sealrings (oe}pcrtZ&es\ at well as the practice of counterfeiting them, seem to have been rather common, for Diogenes Laertius (L 57) speaks of a law of Solon which forbade the artist to keep the form of a seal (a^farjis) which he had sold. (Instances of counterfeited seals are given in Becker's Charii'es, ii. p. 217.) Whether, however, it was customary as early as the time of Solon to wear rings with precious stones on which figures were engraved, may justly be doubted ; and it is much more probable that at that time the figures were cut in the metal of the ring itself, a custom which was never abandoned altogether. Rings without precious stones were called a^ifpoi, the name of the gem being ilnjipos or trpporyLt. (Artemidor. OndroeriL ii. 5.) In later times rings were worn more as ornament] than as articles for use, and persons lav vers no longer satisfied with one, but wore two, three, or even more rings ; and instances are recorded of thou who regularly loaded their hands with rum. (Plat HirP- p. 368 ; Aristopb,
Eafa 63% Kub. 332, with the Schol; D, mlXmttA. p. 29; Diog- La-«- T- >■)
women likewise used to wear rings, but not so frequently as men ; the rings of women also appear to have been less costly than those of men, for some are mentioned which were made of nmlwr.
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hrory, Ac. (Arlemid. L c.) Rings were mostly worn on the fourth finger (vopa/xirof, PluL Sym fat. Fragm. lib. iv. ; Gcllius, x. 10). The Lacedaemonians are said to have used iron rings at all times. (Plin. //. A", xxxiii. 4.) With the exception perhaps of Sparta, the law does not sppear tc have ever attempted in any Greek state to counter act the great partiality for this luxury ; and nowhere in Greece does the right of wearing a gold ring appear to have been confined to a particular order or class of citizens.
The custom of wearing rings was believed to have been introduced into Rome by the Sabinca, who are described in tbe early legends as wearing gold rings with precious stones (yntnon annuli) of great beauty. (Liv. i. 11 ; Dionya ii. 38.) Floras (i. 5) states that it was introduced from Etruria in the reign of Tarquinius Prisrus, and Pliny (L c.) derives it fn»m Greece. The fact that among the statues of the Roman kings in tbe capitol, two, Numa and Scrviua Tullius, were represented with rings, can scarcely be adduced as an argument for their early use, as later artists would naturally represent the kings with such insignia as characterized the highest magistrates in later times. But at whatever time rings may have become customary at Rome, thus much is certain, that at first they were always ol iron, that they were destined for the same purpose as in Greece, namely, to be used as seals, and that every free Roman had a right to use such a ring. This iron ring was used down to the last period of the republic by such men as loved the simplicity of the good old times. Marius wore an iron ring in his triumph over Jugurtho, and several noble families adhered to the ancient custom, and never wore gold ones. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 6.)
When senators in the early times of the republic were sent as ambassadors to a foreign state, they wore during the time of their mission gold rings, which they received from the state, and which were perhaps adorned with some symbolic representation of the republic, and might serve as a ilate-seal. But ambassadors used gold rings only in public ; in private they wore their iron ones. (Plin. xxxiii. 4.) In the course of time it became customary for all the senators, chief magistrates, and at last for the equites also, to wear a gold seal-ring. (Liv. ix. 7. 46, xxvi. 36 ; Cic. c Verr. iv. 25 ; Liv. xxiii. 12 ; Klor. ii. 6.) This right of wearing a gold ring, which was subsequently called the jut annuli aurei, or the jut miiii'm sin, remained for several centuries at Home the exclusive privilege of senators, magistrates, and equites, while all other persons continued to use iron ones. (Appian, de litb. Pun. 104.) Magistrates and governors of provinces seem to have had the right of conferring upon inferior officers, or such persons as had distinguished themselves, tho privilege of wearing a gold ring. Verres thus presented his secretary with a gold ring in the assembly at Syracuse. (Cic c Verr. iii. 76, 80, ad Fam. I. 32 ; Suet. Cue*. 39.) During the empire the right of granting the annulus aureus belonged to the emperors, and some of them were not very scrupulous in conferring this privilege. Augustus gave it to Menu, a licediiuui, and to Antonius Musa, a physician. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 48, liii. 30.) In A. D. 22 the emperor Tiberius ordained that a gold ring should only be worn by those ingenui whose fathers and grandfathers had had a property of 400,000 sestertia, and not by any freedman or slave. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 8.) lint this restriction was of little avail, and the ambition for the annulus aureus became greater than it had ever been before. (Plin. Epist. vii. 26, viii. 6 ; Suet Galh. 12. 14 ; Tacit. Hist. L 13 j Suet null. 12; Stat. Silv. iii. 3. 143, &c.) The emperors Severus and Aurelian conferred the right of wearing gold rings upon all Roman soldiers (Ilcrodian. iii. 8 ; Vopisc. Aurel. 7) ; and Justinian at length allowed all the citizens of the empire, whether ingenui or libertini, to wear such rings.
The status of a person who had received the jus annuli appears to have differed at different times. During the republic and the early part of the empire the jus annuli seems to have made a person ingenuus (if he was a libertus), and to have raised him to the rank of eques, provided he had the requisite equestrian census (Suet Co/6. 10, 14 ; Tacit Hist. i. 13, ii. 57), and it was probably never granted to any one who did not possess this census. Those who lost their property, or were found guilty of a criminal offence, lost the jus annuli. (Juv. Sat. xi. 42 ; Mart viii. 5, ii. 57.) Afterwards, especially from the time of Hadrian, the privilege was bestowed upon a great many frecdmen, and such persons as did not possess the equestrian census, who therefore for this reason alone could not have become equites ; nay, the jus annuli at this late period did not even raise a freedman to the station of ingenuus: he only became, as it were, a half ingenuus (quasi ingenuus), that is, he was entitled to hold a public office, and might at any future time be raised to the rank of cques. (JuL Capitol. Macrin. 4.) The Lex Visellia (Cod. 9. tit 21) punished those freedmcn, who sued for a public office without having the jus annuli aurei. In many cases a libertus might through the jus annuli become an cques, if he had the requisite census, and the princeps allowed it ; but the annulus itself no longer included this honour. This difference in the character of the annulus appears to be clear also from the fact, that women received the jus annuli (Dig. 40. tit 10. a. 4), and that Alexander Severus, though he allowed all his soldiers to wear the gold ring, yet did not admit any freedmcn among the equites. (Lamprid. Al. Sera. 9.) The condition of a libertus who had received the jus annuli was in the main as follows: — Hadrian had laid down the general maxim, that he should be regarded as an ingenuus, salvo jure patroni. (Dig. 40. tit 10. s. 6.) The patronus had also to give his consent to his freedman accepting the jus annuli, and Commodus took the annulus away from those who had received it without this consent (Dig. 40. tit 10. s. 3.) Hence a libertus with the annulus might be tortured, if, e.g. his patron died an unnatural death, as in case of such a libertus dying, his patron might succeed to his property. The freedman had thus during his lifetime only an imago libertatis, he was a quasi ingenuus but had not the status of an ingenuus (Cod. 6. tit. 8. s. 2 ; Dig. 40. tit 10. s. 5), and he died quasi libertus. In the reign of Justinian theBC distinctions were done away with. IsiJorus (xix. 32) is probably alluding to the pe
riod preceding the reign of Justinian, when bo says, that freemen wore gold, freedmen silver, and slaves iron rings.
The practical purposes, for which rings, or rather the figures engraved upon them, were used at all times, were the same as those for which we use our seals. Besides this, however, persons, when they left their houses, used to seal up such parts as contained stores or valuable things, in order to secure them from thieves, especially slaves. (Plat. de Leg. xii. p. 954 ; Aristoph. Thesmopk. 414, &C. ; Plaut Cos. ii. I. 1 ; Cic ad Fam. xvi. 26, de Orat. ii. 61 ; Mart ix. 88.) The ring of a Roman emperor was a kind of state-seal, and the emperor sometimes allowed the use of it to such persons as he wished to be regarded as his representatives. (Dion Cass. lxvi. 2.) The keeping of the imperial seal-ring was entrusted to an especial officer (cura annuli, Just Hist, xliii. 5). The signs engraved upon rings were very various, as we may judge from the specimens still extant: they were portraits of ancestors, or friends, subjects connected with the mythology, or the worship of the gods ; and in many cases a person had engraved upon his seal symbolical allusions to the real or mythical history of his family. (Cic m Catil. iii. 5 ; Val. Max. iii. 5. 1 ; Cic.'Finib. v. 1 ; Suet Tib. 58. 63 j Plin. H. N. ii. 7, &c) Sulla thus wore a ring with a gem, on which Jugurtha was represented at the moment he was made prisoner. (Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 4 j Pint Mar. 10.) Pompey used a ring on which three trophies were represented (Dion Cass, xliii. 18), and Augustus at first scaled with a sphinx afterwards with a portrait of Alexander the Great, and at last with his own portrait which was subsequently done by several emperors. (Plin. //. N. xxxvii. 4 ; Suet Aug. 50; Dion Cass. Ii. 3 ; Spartian. Hadr. 26.) The principal value of a ring consisted in the gem framed in it or rather in the workmanship of the engraver. The stone most frequently used was the onyx (trapSwvos, trapb6yu^), on account of its various colours, of which the artists made the most skilful use. In the art of engraving figures upon gems, the ancients in point of beauty and execution far surpass every thing in this department that modem times can boast of. The ring itself (otvt6in)\ in which the gem was set 'vas likewise in many cases of beautiful workmanship. The part of the ring which contained the gem wag called pala. In Greece we find that some persons fond of show used to wear hollow rings, the inside of which was filled up with a less valuable substance. (Artemid. L c.)
With the increasing love of luxury and show, the Romans, as well as the Greeks, covered their fingers with rings. Some persons also wore rings of immoderate size, and others used different rings for summer and winter. (Quinctil. xi 3 ; Juv. i. 28 ; Mart xi. 59, xiv. 123.)
Much superstition appears to have been connected with rings in ancient as well as in more modern times ; but this seems to have been the case in the East and in Greece more than at Rome. Some persons made it a lucrative trade to sell rings, which were believed to possess magic powers, and to preserve those who wore them from external dangers. Such persons are Eudamus in Aristophanes (PluL 883, with the Schol.), and Phertatos in Antiphanes (op. Athtm. iii. p. 123). These rings were for the most part worn by the lower rises, and then not made of co W inferred from the price (ode drachma) in the two nuances above referred to. There are »everal celebrated ring* with magic powers, mentioned by the ancient writers, aa that of Gyges which be feesd in a grave (Plat, de RepmbL ii. p. S53,Ae.; Plin. H. S. xxxiii. 4), that of Chariclen (Heliod. Aetk. iv. 8), and the iron ring of Eusates (Luria-o, Piilops. 17). Compare Becker, CanHa, Tol ii p. 398, &c ; Kirchmann, afa .dassis, Siem^. 1657 ; P. Burmann, de Jure Ammkm, Uhraject, 1734. [L. 3.]
ANQUISITIO. [jcdul] ANSATAE HASTAE. [hasta.1 ANTAE (rapturrd&ts), were originally posts or paian *j"H»g B doorway. (Festoa, i. a. .laou.) They were of a square form, and are, in bet, to be regarded rather as strengthened termination* of the vafls than aa pillars affixed to them. There is ao dear ease of the application of the word to detached square pillars, although Nonius explains it by qwadrae columnar (1. § 124).
The chief use of cmtae was in that form of temple, which was called, from them, us amiit (root tV sstwTiiffi), which Vitnrvius (iii. 1. «. 2 g 2, Scan.) describes as having, in front, antae attached to the walls which enclosed the c. 11a ; and in the noddle, between the antae, two columns supporting tie architrave. The rains of temples, corresponding to the description of Vitmvius, are found in Greece a&d Asia Minor ; and we here exhibit as a specimen a restoration of the front of the temple of Propylaea, at Eleusia, together with a i of the
A, A, the axlae ; a, B, the cella, or vwlt%.
Vhmrinj gives the following rules for a temple m tutis of the Doric order: — The breadth should be half the length ; fire-eighths of the length should be occupied by the cella, including its front walls, tae remaining three-eighths by the pronaot or portico; the astae should be of the same thickness
should be a marble balustrade, or i >i railing, with gates in it; if the breadth of the portico exceeds forty feet, there should lie am> h.v pair of columns behind those between the tissue, and a little thinner than they ; beside* minor details. (Viiruv. ir. 4.)
In the pure Greek architecture, the i no other capitals than a succession of simpl - mou dings, sometimes ornamented with lea»e* and arabesques, and no hues, or very simple ones ; it is only in the later (Roman) style, that they have capitals and bases resembling those of the column* between them. The antae were generally of the same thickness throughout ; the only instamc < f their tapering is in one of the temples of Pacatum.
In a Greek private house the entrance was flanked by a pair of antae with no columns between them ; and the space thus enclosed w as itself called vooairrdf. (Vitruv. vi 10. a. 7. 11. Schn.) So also Euripides uses the term to drtiote either the pronaos of a temple (/nt. •» Taur 1126), or the vestibule of a palace, (/'ion. 415.)
The following are the chief of the other passage* which ansae or rapatrrdoii are mentioned : — Androm. 1121, where vaoatfrooof uptfteterri signifies the arms suspended from one of the amtae of the temple ; t'rstin. Dtomyt. />. 9, ap. J'allmr. vii. 122, x. 25, Meincke, tV. Com, Urate, vol. ii. p. 42 ; Xeu. liter, xi. 2: Hero, Auiom. p. 269 ; Itueript. ap. Oruler. p. 207. See also Stiegliu, Archioloffie der BamkumL, vol i. pp. 236—242.
[TlMf-LUM.] [P.S.]
ANTKAMBULO'NES, were slaves who were accustomed to go before their masters, in order to make way for them through the crowd. (t>ucL i'trp. 2.) They usually called out dais locum domino wuo; and if this were not sufficient to clear the way, they used their hands and elliows for that purpose. Pliny relate* an amusing tale of an individual who was roughly handled by a Roman knight, because hi* slave had presumed to touch the latter, in order to make way for his master. (Ep. iii. 14.) The term anteumlmlomet was also given to the clients, who were accustomed to walk before their patroni when the latter appeared in public (Martial, it 18, iii, 7, x. 74.)
ANTECESSO'RES, called also ANTECL'RSO'RES, were horse-soldiers, who were accustomed to precede an army on the march, in order to choose a suitable place for the camp, and to make the necessary provisions for the army. They were not merely scouts, like the speculator**. (flirt. Hell. A/r. 12, who speaks of rpeculatorea et auteeesfrre* ermitet; Suet ViteJl. 17 ; Caes. B. O. V. 47.) This name was also given to the teacher* of the Roman law. (Cod. L tit. 17. a 2. § 9. 11.)
ANTEFIX A, terra-cotta*, which exhibited various ornamental designs, and were used in architecture, to cover the frieze (zopkonu) or cornice of the entablature. (Frsltis, ». r.) These terracotta* do not appear to have been used among the Greeks, but were probably Etrurian in their origin, and were thence taken for the decoration of Roman building*.
The name antefixa is evidently derived from th« circumstance that they were fixed before the buildings which they adomed ; and in many instances they have been found frieze with leaden nails. They were
fastened fci the



[merged small][graphic]
The first of them must have formed part of the upper border of the frieze, or rather of the cornice. It contains a panther's head, designed to Berve as a spout for the rain-water to pass through in descending from the roof. Similar antefixa, but with comic masks instead of animals' heads, adomed the temple of Isis at Pompeii. The Becond of the above specimens represents two men who have a dispute, and who come before the sceptre-bearing kings, or judges, to have their cause decided. The style of this bas-relief indicates its high antiquity, and, at the same time, proves that the Volsci had attained to considerable taste in their architecture. Their antefixa are remarkable for being painted : the ground of that here represented is blue ; the hair of the six men is black, or brown ; their flesh red ; their garments white, yellow, and red : the chairs are white. The two holes may be observed, by which this slab was fixed upon the building.
Cato the Censor complained that the Romans of his time began to despise ornaments of this description, and to prefer the marble frieses of Athens and Corinth. (Liv. xxxiv. 4.) The rising taste which Cato deplored may account for the su
perior beauty of the antefixa preserved in the British Museum, which were discovered at Rome. A specimen of them is given at the foot of the preceding column It represents Athena superintending the construction of the ship Argo. The man with the hammer and chisel is Argus, who built the vessel under her direction. The pilot Tiphys is assisted by her in attaching the sail to the yard. Another specimen of the antefixa is given under the article Antyx.
ANTENNA. [navis.]
ANTEPAGMENTA, doorposts, the jambs of a door. Vitruvius (iv. 6.) gives minute instructions respecting the form and proportions of the antepagmenta in the doors of temples; and these are found in general to correspond with the examples preserved among the remains of Grecian architecture. (See Hirt, Bauhmst nach den Grunds'dtzen der Alien, xvi.) [janua.] [J. Y.]
ANTEPILA'NI. [exkrcitus.]
ANTESIGNA'NI. [exkrcitdb,]
ANTESTA'RI. Tactio.]
ANTHESPHORIA (ivfifo-^pio), a flowerfestival, principally celebrated in Sicily, in honour of Demetcr and Persephone, in commemoration of the return of Persephone to her mother in the beginning of spring. It consisted in gathering flowers and twining garlands, because Persephone had been carried off by Pluto while engaged in this occupation. (Pollux, i. 37.) Strabo (vi. p. 256) relates that at Hipponium the women celebrated a similar festival in honour of Demeter, which was probably called anthesphoria, since it was derived from Sicily. The women themselves gathered the flowers for the garlands which they wore on the occasion, and it would have been a disgrace to buy the flowers for that purpose. Anthesphoria were also solemnized in honour of other deities, especially in honour of Hera, sumamed 'AvStla, at Argot (Paus. ii. 22. § 1), where maidens, carrying baskets filled with flowers, went in procession, whilst a tune called itpixiov was played on the flute. (Comp. Ktym. Gvd. p. 67.) Aphrodite, too, was worshipped at Cnossus, under the name 'Avdtia (Hesych. ». v.), and has therefore been compared with Flora, the Roman deity, as the anthesphoria have been with the Roman festival of the Plorifertum, or Floralia. [L. S.]
ANTHESTE'RIA. [dionysia.]
ANTI'DOSIS (irritoois), in its literal and general meaning, "an exchange," was, in the language of the Attic courts, peculiarly applied to proceedings under a law which is said to have originated with Solon. (Demostb. c. Phaenipp. init.) By this, a citizen nominated to perform a leiturgia, such as a tricrarchy or choregia, or to rank among the property-tax payers in a class disproportioned to his means, was empowered to call upon any qualified person not so charged to take the office in his stead, or submit to a complete exchange of property — the charge in question, of course, attaching to the first party, if the exchange were finally effected. For these proceedings the courts were opened at a stated time every year by the magistrates that had official cognizance of the particular subject; such as the stratcgi in cases of trierarchy and rating to the property-taxes, and the archon in those of choregia ; Bnd to the tribunal of such an officer, it was the first step of the challenger to summon his opponent (Pcm. c. Phacnipp. p. 1040 ; Meier, Att. Process, p. 471 J T.«*TjrsA*rtT&n rm tls oWfsosrir, Lytiaa Tvtp v» AsWdroa, p. 745.) It mar be presumed tint he then formally repeated his proposal, and that the other party stated his objection*, which, if obviously sni5cient in law, might, perhaps, aotborue the magistrate to dismiss the caae ; if ctaerwise, the legal resistance, and preparations Air bringing the cause before the dicasts, would naturally begin here. In the latter case, or if the exchange were accepted, the law directed the challenger to repair to the hcnse* and lands of his himself, as all the claims and i of the estate were to be transferred, from c*a of the real property, by observing what mortgage placards (Spoi), if any, were filed upon it, and against clandestine removal of the other effects, by sealing up the chambers that contained them, and, if he pb-ased, by putting W.tfj in the mansion. (Dem. c Plueniji*. pa, 1040, 1041.) His opponent was, at the same rase, informed, that he was at liberty to deal in like manner with the estate of the challenger, sad received notice to attend the proper tribunal en a fixed day, to take the usual oath. The entries here described seem, in contemplation of 1st. to bare been a complete effectuation of the exchange. (Dem. c. Mid. p. 540, e. I'katmipp. p. 1041. "25 X and it does not appear that primarily there was any legal necessity for a further ratification by the dicasts ; but, in practice, this must required by the conflict of he parties. The next prethe oath, which was taken by both parties, and purported that they would faithfully discover all their property, except shares held in the silver mines at Laurion ; for these were not rated to lriturgue or property-taxes, nor conseqsendy liable to the exchange. In pursuance of this agreement, the law enjoined that they should exchange correct accounts of their respective assets (4xa$efir«j) within three days ; but in practice the time might be extended by the consent of the After this, if the matter were still it would assume the shape and se of an ordinary lawsuit [Dies'], under the conduct of the magistrate within whose jurisdiction it had originally come. The verdict of the dicasta, when advene to the challenged, seems merely to have rendered imperative the first demand of his antagonist, viz. that he should submit to the exchange or undertake the charge in question ; and as the alternative was open to the former, and a compromise might be acceded to by the latter, at any stage of the proceedings, we may infer that the exchange was rarely, if ever, finally accomplished. Tbe irksomeness, however, of the sequestration, during which the litigant was precluded from the use of his own property, and disabled from bringing actions for embezzlement and the like against others (for his prospective reimbursement was reckoned a part of the sequestrated estate, Dem. c ApUk. ii. p. 841, e. Mid. p. 540), would invariably cause a speedy, perhaps, in most cases, a fair adjustment of the burdens incident to the condition of a wealthy Athenian. (Bockh, PM. Earn, c/ Athau, pp. 580—583, 2nd ed.) [J. S. M.]
ANTIOONEIA (AVrrydVsia), sacrifices instituted ky Anitas and celebrated at Sicyon with paeans, processions, and contest*, in honour of Doson, with
alliance for the purpose of thwaning the plans of Cleomenes. (PluL CJsoss. 16, AruL, 45 ; PolvU xxviii. 16, xxx. 30.) [L-S.J
ANTIURAPUE' (ss-rrysasyh), originally signified the writing put in by the defendant, in all whether public or private, in answer to the or bill of the prosecutor. Prom this it was applied by an easy transition to the substance a* well as the furro of the reply, both of which are also indicated by arrsstiswfsi, which means, primarily, tbe oath corroborating the statement of the accused. Uarpocraiiou ha* remarked that amtiffrufJu might denote, as antomosia does in its more extended application, the bill and affidavit of either party ; and this remark seems to be justified by a passage of Plato. (ApuUtg. Hoc p. 27. c) Scbdmann, however, maintains (Alt. Prveeu, p. 465) that antyrupit was only used in this signification in the case of persons who laid claim to an unassigned inheritance. Here, neither the first nor any other claimant could appear in the character of a prosecutor ; that is, no Sum or fysAii^ia could be strictly said to be directed by one competitor against another, when all came forward voluntarily to the tribunal to defend their several titles. This circumstance Schumann has suggested a* a reason why the document* of each claimant were denoted by th* term in question.
Perhaps the word *' plea,*" though by no mean* * coincident term, may be allowed to be a tolerably proximate rendering of antigraphe. Of pleas there can be only two kinds, the dilatory, and those to the action. The farmer, in Attic law, comprehends all such allegations as, by asserting the incompetency of the court, the disability of the plaintiff1, or privilege of tbe defendant, and the like, would have a tendency to show that the cause in it* present state could not be brought into court (ph turay^yifior tlrtu Tv ftf**?) ; the latter, everything that could be adduced by way of denial, excuse, justification, and defence generally. It must be, at the same time, kept in mind, that the process called **special pleading," was at Athens supplied by the magistrate holding the ai ■ i at which both parties produced their allegations, with the evidence to substantiate them ; and that tho object of this part of the proceedings was, under the directions, and with the assistance of tho
» prepare i
for the dicasts. The following i* an instance of the simplest form of indictment and plea: —> u Apollodorus, the son of Pasion of Achamae, against Stephanus, son of Mcnecles of Achamar, for perjury. The penalty rated, a talent Stophanus bore false witness against me, when he gave in evidence the matters in the tablets, blepharitis, son of Menecles of Achamae, 1 witnessed truly, when I gave in evidence the things in the tablet." (Dem. in SUpk. i. p. 1116.) The pleadings might be altered during the anacrisis ; but once consigned to the echinus, they, as well a* all the other accompanying documents, were protected by the official seal from any change by the litigants. On the day of trial, and in the presence of the dicasts, the echinus was opened, and tbe plea was then read by the clerk of the court, together with its antagonist bill. Whether it was preserved afterwards as a public record, which we know to have been the case with respect to th* some causes, we are nol
From what has been already stated, it will have been observed, that questions requiring a previous decision, would frequently arise upon the allegations of the plea ; and that the plea to the action in particular would often contain matter that would tend essentially to alter, and, in some cases, ti reverse the relative positions of the parties. In the first case, a trial before the dicasts would be granted by the magistrate whenever he was loth to incur the responsibility of decision ; in the second, a cross-action might be instituted, and carried on separately, though, perhaps, simultaneously with the original Buit. Cases would also sometimes occur in which the defendant, from considering the indictment as an unwarrantable aggression, or, perhaps, one best repelled by attack, would be tempted to retaliate upon some delinquency of his opponent, utterly unconnected with the cause in hand, and to this he would be, in most cases, able to resort. An instance of each kind will be briefly given, by citing the common paragraphs, Kb a cause arising upon a dilatory plea ; a cross-action for assault (tuxlas) upon a primary action for the same (Dem. in Ev. et Mnesib. p. 1153) ; and a SoKifuxffta, or "judicial examination of the life or morals " of an orator upon an impeachment for misconduct in an embassy (wapaTpfffStia). (Acsch. in Timarcft.) All causes of this secondary nnture (and there was hardly one of any kind cognisable by the Attic courts, that might not occasionally rank among them) were, when viewed in their relation with the primary action, comprehended by the enlarged signification of antigraplie, or, in other words, this term, inexpressive of form or substance, is indicative of a repellent or retaliative quality, that might be incidental to a great variety of causes. The distinction, however, that is implied by antigraphy was not merely verbal and unsubstantial ; for we are told, in order to prevent frivolous suits on the one hand, and unfair elusion upon the other, the loser in aparagraphe', or crossaction upon a private suit, was condemned by a special law to pay the eVv€c\ia, rateable upon the valuation of the main cause, if he failed to obtain the votes of one-fifth of the jury, and certain court fees (■Kpvravtia) not originally incident to the suit. That there was a similar provision in public causes, we may presume from analogy, though we have no authority to determine the matter. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 625.) [J.S. M.] ANTIGRAPHEIS (imypcuptTs). [gram
ANTINOEIA (&mv6tia), annual festivals and quinquennial games, which the Roman emperor Hadrian instituted in honour of his favourite, Antinous, after he was drowned in the Nile, or, according to others, had sacrificed himself for his sovereign, in a fit of religious fanaticism. The festivals were celebrated in Bithynia, and at Mantincia, in which places he was worshipped as a (Spartian. Hadrian, c. 14 ; Dion Cass. 10 j Paus. viii. 9. § 4.) [L. S.]
ANTIPHERNA (hrrl^pva). [Dos.] ANTIQUA'RII. [libraril] A'NTLIA (4rrX(o), any machine for raising water; a pump. The annexed figure shows a machine which is still used on the river Eissach in the Tyrol, the ancient Atagis. As the current puts the wheel in motion, the jars on its margin are successively immersed and filled with water. When they reach the top, the water is sent into
[merged small][graphic]
In situations where the water was at rest, as in a pond or a well, or where the current was too slow and feeble to put the machine in motion, it was constructed so as to be wrought by nnim«l force, and slaves or criminals were commonly employed for the purpose («is bvr\iay KaraSucaadr/pat, Artemid. Oneiroa, i. 50 ; m antiiam condemnare, Suet. 7t6. 51.) Five such machines are described by Vitruvius, in addition to that which has been already explained, and which, as he observes, was turned sine operarum calcatura, ipsius fiuminis impulsu. These five were, 1. the tympanum ; a tread-wheel, wrought hominibus calcantibmt: 2. a wheel resembling that in the preceding figure ; but having, instead of pots, wooden boxes or buckets (modioli quadrati), so arranged as to form steps for those who trod the wheel: 3. the chain-pump : 4. the cochlea, or Archimedes' screw: and 5. the ctesibica machina, or forcing-pump. (Vitniv. x. 4—7; Drieberg, Piteum. Erfindmgen der Uriccken, p. 44—SO.)
On the other hand, the antlia with which Martial (ix. 19) watered his garden, was probably the pole and bucket universally employed in Italy, Greece, and Egypt The pole is curved, as shown in the annexed figure j because it U the stem of a
[graphic][ocr errors]
fir, W some other tapering tree. The bucket, being the top of the tree, bends it by its 1 the thickness of the other extremity a counterpoise. The great antiquity of of raising water is proved by reprei of it in Egyptian paintings. (Wilkin sou, Mmm11 ami CatC of Amc Eqgpi, ii. 1—< ; Me also PHt J-EmJama, Tol L p. 257.) [J. Y.J ANTOMOSIA [AwaKBisis, f.i'-J.i: Pa Bag Kara*.]
ANTYX {SrrvC, probablj allied etymologieally to iuvs£\ the rim or border of any thing, especially of a shield, or chariot. The rim of the large mod shield of the ancient Greeks was thinner tkaa the part which it enclosed. Thus the oroataeutal border of the shield of Achilles, fabricated by HepLaestoz, was only threefold, the shield itself being sevenfold. (/Z. xviiL 479 ; comp. XX. 275.) See examples of the awtpr of a shield in woodcuts ts Asnnxa, Arm .v. Ci-iFBUa,
On the other hand, the ontyx of a chariot must baie been thicker than the body to which it was acacaed, and to which it gave both form and ■treagth. For the same reason, it was often made doable, as in the chariot of Hera. (Asial 8) -wtpttpsuat tmrys'i euri, JL v. 728.) It rose in front of a chariot in a curved form, on which the reins jakht be hang. (II. v. 262, 322.) A simple form ■d :i U exhibited in the annexed woodcut from the
work of Carl on L Sometimes antyx is used to Banify the chariot itself. [J. Y.]
APA'GELI (4wd7«Aoi). [agzla.] APAGO GE (isirysrr*). [end«!xis.] APATU'RIA (intToupio), was a political festival, which the Athenians had in common with all the Greeks of the Ionian name (Herod, i. 1(7', with the exception of those of Colophon and Epbesua. It was celebrated in the month of Pyanepsion, and lasted for three days. The origin of this festival is related in the following manner : — About the year 1100 a c, the Athenians were carrying on a war against the Boeotians, concerning the district of Cilaenae, or, according to others, respecting the little town of Oenoe. The Boeotian Xanthius, or Xanthua, challenged Thymoetes, king of Attica, to single combat ; and when be refused, Melanthus, a Messenian exile of the house of the Nelids, offered himself to fight for Thymoetes, on condition that, if victorious, he should be the successor to Thymoetes. The offer was accepted ; and when Xanthius and Melanthus began the engagement, there appeared behind Xanthins a man in the Tpoyij, the skin of a black she-goat. Melanthus reminded his adversary

having a companion, and while Xanthius looked around, Melanthus slew the JerritvW Xanthius, From that time, the Athenians celebrated two festivals, the Apaturia, and that of Dionysus Mrlaaaetris, who was believed to have been the man who siinearfd behind Xanthius. This is the story related by the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (AJtmu. 146.) i his tradition has given rise to a false etymology of the name dvwrovpia, which was formerly considered to be derived from arwror, to deceive. All modern critics, however (MUUer, Dorians, L 4.4 j WeUkcr, A mckjL VriL p. 288), agree that the name is composed of a= &>ia, and saropia, which is perfectly consistent with what Xenophon c11-Urn. L 7. I 8) says of the festival: 'Er nit (aware»»W«s) oT vt awWpff aol ol 9vyy*rtU {vrstffi a+itir cuVroit. According to this derivation, it is the festival at which the phratriar met, to discuss and settle their own affairs. But, as every citizen was a member of a phratria, the festival extended over the whole nation, who assembled according to piratriae. Welcker (JnJnng s. TrUog. p. 200), on account of the prominent part which Dionysus takes in the legend respecting the origin of the Attic Apaturia, conceives that it arose from the circumstance that families belonging to the Dionyaian tribe of the Aegicores had been registered among the citizens.
The first day of the festival, which probably fell on the eleventh of the month of Pyanepsion, was called tasria,or Uortia (A thenar, p. 171; Hcsych. and Said. s. r.) ; on which every citizen went in the evening to the phratrium, or to the house of some wealthy member of his own phratria, and there enjoyed the supper prepared for him. (Arittoph. Ackarn. 146.) That the cup-bearers (otros-rai) were not idle on this occasion, may be seen from Photius (Lexic s. ' Aopwia).
The second day was called ard^vo-ii (iraft.'■! ww) from the sacrifice offered on this day to
Zeus, surnamed +,.ir t. and to Athena, and
sometimes to Dionysus Melanaegis. This was a state sacrifice, in which all citizens took part. The day was chiefly devoted to tho gods, and to it most, perhaps, be confined what Ifarpocratinn (a r. Aauirds) mentions, from the Attbis of Istrus, that the Athenians at the apaturia used to dress splendidly, kindle torches on the altar of Hephaestus, and sacrifice and sing in honour of him. Proclns on Plato < Tun. p 21. &.), in opposition to all other authorities, calls the first day of the Apaturia aru:'<. Wit, and tho second eopn'o, which is, perhaps, nothing more than a slip of his pen.
On the third day, called Kovptwru (novpo$\ children born In that year, in the families of the phratriae, or such as were not yet registered, were taken by their fathers, or in their absence by their representatives (aipioi), before the assembled members of the phratria. For every child a sheep or goat was sacrificed. The victim was called futav, and he who sacrificed it (litiayttyttir). It is said that the victim was not allowed to be below (Harpocrat. Suid. Phot, «. ». Meio*), or, according to Pollux (iii. 62), above, a certain weight Whenever any one thought ho had reason to oppose the reception of the child into the phratria, he stated the case, and, at the same time, led away the victim from the altar. (Demosth. e. Macari. p. 1054.) If the members of the phratria found the objections to tho of the child to be sufficient, the viatim was removed ; when no objections were raised, the father, or he who supplied his place, was obliged to establish by oath that the child was the offspring of free-born parents, and citizens of Athens. (Isaens, Dt Hatred. Ciron. p. 100. §19 ; Demosth. c Eutnd. p. 1315.) After the victim wits sacrificed, the phratorcs gave their Totes, which they took from the altar of Jupiter Phratrius. When the majority voted against the reception, the cause might lie tried before one of the courts of Athens; and if the claims of the child were found unobjectionable, its name, as well as that of the father, was entered in the register of the phratria, and those who had wished to effect the exclusion of the child were liable to be punished. (Demosth. c. Macart. p. 1078.) Then followed the distribution of wine, and of the victim, of which even- phrator received his share ; and poems were recited by the elder boys, and a prize was given to him who acquitted himself the best on the occasion. (Plat. Tim. p. 21, 6.) On this day, also, illegitimate children on whom the privileges of Athenian citizens were to be bestowed, as well as children adopted by citizens, and newly created citizens were introduced ; but the last, it appears, could only be received into a phratria when they nad previously been adopted by a citizen; and their children, when born by a mother who was a citizen, had a legitimate claim to be inscribed in the phratria of their grandfather, on their mother's side. (Platncr, Batrage, p. 168.) In later times, however, the difficulties of being admitted into a phratria seem to have been greatly diminished.
Some writers have added a fourth day to this festival, under the name of tiri€$a (Hesych. *. v. 'Airaroupta: and Simplicius on AristoL Pkys. iv. p. 167. a.); but this is no particular day of the festival, for hiSta signifies nothing else but a day subsequent to any festival. (See Rhunken, Ad Tim. Imc. Plot. p. 119.) [L. S.]
APAU'LIA. [matrimonium.]
APELEU'THERI (axtkti6tpot). [liberti.]
APERTA NAVIS. [navis.]
APEX, a cap worn by the fiaiuines and salii at Rome. The essential part of the apex, to which alone the name properly belonged, was a pointed piece of olive-wood, the base of which was surrounded with a lock of wool. This was worn on the top of the head, and was held there either by fillets only, or, as was more commonly the case, by the aid of a cap, which fitted the head, and was also fastened by means of two strings or bands, which were called apicula (Festus, t. v.), or offendicts (Festus, ». v.), though the latter word is also interpreted to mean a kind of button, by which the strings were fastened under the chin. (Comp. Serv. ad Virg. A en. ii. 683, viii. 664, x. 270.)
The fiamines were forbidden by law to go into public, or even into the open air without the apex (Gcll. x. 15), and hence we find the expression of alicui apiccm dialem imjtonere used as equivalent to the appointment of a flamcn dialis. (Liv. vi. 41.) Sulpicins was de| rived of the priesthood, only because the apex fell from his head whilst he was sacrificing. (Val. Max. i. L § 4.)
Dionysius (ii. 70) describes the cap as being of a conical form. On ancient monuments we see it round as well as conical. From its various forma, as shown on bas-reliefs and on coins of the Roman nniperors, who as priests were entitled to wear it,
[merged small][graphic]
From apex was formed tho epithet apieatuM, applied to the flamen dialis by Ovid (Fast. iii. 197).
APHLASTON (StXaarov). [navis.]
APHORMES DIKE' (4*apai«iTa.tHt~ itcu, or deposits, to distinguish them from the private capital of the banker (iSfa cupopu?/), there is an essential difference between the actions atpopfxrir and TafKuraTafMjfrns, as the latter implied that the defendant had refused to return a deposit intrusted to him, not upon the condition of his paying a stated interest for its use, as in the former case, but merely that it might be safe in his keepingtill the affairs of the plaintiff should enable him to resume its possession in security. [paracataThxck'.] The former action was of the class Tp6s nva, and came under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetac. The speech of Demosthenes in behalf of Phonnio was made in a irapaypatfi against an action of this kind. [J. S. M.J
APHRACTUS. [navis.]
APIIRODI'SIA (•A(rio), festivals celebrated in honour of Aphrodite, in a great number of towns in Greece, but particularly in the island of Cyprus. Her most ancient temple was at Paphoa, which was built by Aerias or Cinyras, in whoae family the priestly dignity was hereditary. (Tacit. Hist. ii. 3, Amal. iii. 62 ; Maxim. Tyr. Serm. 83.) No bloody sacrifices were allowed to be offered to her, but only pure fire, flowers, and incense (Virg. Am. i. 116) ; and therefore, when Tacitus (Hist. it 3) speaks of victims, we must either suppose, with Ernesti, that they were killed merely that the priest might inspect their intestines, or for the parpose of affording a feast to the persons present at the festival. At all events, however, the altar of the goddess was not allowed to be polluted with the blood of the victims, which were mostly hegoats. Mysteries were also celebrated at Paphos in honour of Aphrodite ; and those who were ini

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