sábado, 25 de septiembre de 2010


bated oSrred to tlse goddess a piece of received in return a niiaiini of aalt aad a phallus. In the mvsteries themselves, they received lnatrucuoos h ry T*x>t» *>«'XurP- A second or new Paphos had teen built, according to tradition, after tar Trojan war, by the Arcadian Agapenor ; and, according to Strata (zir. p. 683), men and women from other town* of the island assembled at New Pspbos, and went in solemn proem inn to Old Pipaos, a distance of sixty stadia ; and the name af the priest of Aphrodite, i i k isas (Hesych. an), scons to hare origiiaited in hia h**^i"g this procession. Aphrodite was worshipped in most towns of Cvprea, and in other parts of Greece, such as Cyuiera, Sparta, Thebes, Elia, Ac ; and though these places, we their »^*«»»~* ; 1 at Corinth and e they were chiefly celebrated by the prostitutes. (Athen. xiii. pp. 574, 579, xiv. p. 659.) Another great festival of Aphrodite and Adonis in Sestas is aientioned by Musaeos. (Hero and bsiti) [US.] APLU3TRE. [navis.1 APOCLE TI (isrostAwroi). [ArroLiLiM Fosses, p. 27. b.].

APODECTAE (as-altsrrai), the Receivers, were poUic officers at Athena, who were introdaced by CeL-thenes in the place of the ancient colacretae (swAaxarroi). They were ten in number, one for each tribe, and their duty was to receive all the ordinary taxes and distribute them to the separate branches of the administration, which were entitled to them. They accordingly kept lists of persons indebted to the state, made entries of all money? that were paid in, and erased the names of the debtors from the lists. They had the power to decide cansea connected with the subjects under their Management; though if the matters in dispute were of importance, they were obliged to bring them far decision into the ordinary •courts. (Pollux, viiL 97; Etymolng. Mag. Harpocrat, Said. HesTch. s. e. ; Aristot, Pol. ri. 8; Dan. c. Timocr. pp.750,762 ; Aescn-c.Oet. p. 375 ; Boekh./'svW. Bam. a/ Athaa, p. 159, 2nd ed.)

APOGRAPHIT (awysa**)), is literally " a list, or registerbut in the language of the Attic courts, the terms kwoy^ptw and k*vypaq*aOai had three separate applications : — 1.'Aavypaa^ was used in reference to an accusation in public ■""rn, more particularly when there were several defendants ; the denunciation, the bul of indictment, and enumeration of the accused, Would in this case be termed apographe, and differ bat little, if at all, from the ordinary prapki. (Andoc. de MjU. 13 ; Antiph. de Ckomt. 783.) 3. It implied the making of a solemn protest or assertion before a magistrate, to toe intent that it might be preserved by him, till it was required to be given ia evidence. (Dem. in Phaen. 1<M0.) 3. It was a specification of property, said to belong to the state, bat actually in the possession of a private person; which specification was made, with a view to the confiscation of such property to the state. (Lya. de Arutopi, Donit.)

The last case only requires a more extended illustration. There would be two occasions upon which it would occur; first, when a person held public property without purchase, as an intruder : and secondly, when the substance of an individual 1 of a judi

rial award, as in the ease of a declared stats debtor. If no opposition were offered, the tms> gnpki would attain its object, under the care of the magistrate to whose office it was brought | otherwise, a public action arose, which is also designated by the same titleIn a cause of the first kind, which is said

in some eases to have also borne the >\t> ra tt'.rj jtal vsVo raves ifm, the claimant against the state had merely to prove his title to the property ; and with this we must class the ease of a person that impugned the opoorwswe, whereby the sulistance of another was, or was proposed so be, confiscated, on the ground that he had a loan by way of mortgage or other recognised security upon a portion of it; or that the part ia question did not in any way belong to the state debtor, or person so mulcted. This kind of r>position to the apagnpmi is illustrated in the speech of Demosthenes against Nicnstratus, in which wo learn that Apollodorus had instituted an against Arethusius, for non-payment of a penalty incurred in a former action. Upon this, Nicoof the pi

in it as belonging to Arethusius, for they were ia fart his ownIn the second case, the defence could of course only proceed upon the alleged illegality of the former penalty ; and of this we hare an iiswams ia the speech of Lysiaa, for the soldier. There i'olyaenus had been condemned by the generals to pay a fine for a breach of discipline ; ami, as he did not pay it within the appointed time, an apotn> I - to the amount of the fine was directed against him, which he opposes, on the ground that the fine was illegal. The apograpki might be instituted by an Athenian citiaen ; but if there were no private prosecutor, it became the duty of the demarchi to proceed with it officially. Son* times, however, extraordinary commissioners, as the nkhryeli and frrnrroi, were appointed for the purpose. The suits instituted against the apograpki belonged to the jurisdiction of the Eleven, and for a while to that of the Byndici. (Ityos Tots s-vrtdcMt dss700901 dnoypdfm*, Lycurg. quoted by Harpocration.) The further conduct of these causes would, of course, in a great measure depend upon the claimant being, or not being, in possession of the proscrilied property. In the first case the dTo-ypa^ojr, in the second the claimant, would appear in the character of a plaintiff. In a case like that of Nicoatratus aliove cited, the claimant would be obliged to deposit a certain sum, which he forfeited if he lost his cause (vapacsTasoAv^) ; in all, he would probably be obliged to pay the costs or court fees (»pvror««o) upon the same contingency.

A private citizen, who prosecuted an individual by means of aroypoovvi, forfeited a thousand drachmae, if he failed to obtain the votes of onefifth of the dicasts, and reimbursed the defendant his prytaneia upon acquittal. In the former rase, too, he would probably incur a modified atimia, t. e. a restriction from bringing such actions for the future. [J. 3. M.]

APOKERUXIS (arxrVv(if), implies the method by which a father could at Athens dissolve the legal connection between himself and his son • but as it is not mentioned by any of the 0 j or the older writers, it could rarely hai e

place. According to the author of the declama tion on the subject ('A.iroKtjpuTT6fitvos), which has generally been attributed to Lucinn, substantial reasons were required to insure the ratification of such extraordinary severity. Those suggested in the treatise referred to arc, deficiency in filial attention, riotous living, and profligacy generally. A subsequent act of pardon might annul this solemn rejection ; but if it were not so avoided, the son was denied by his father while alive, and disinherited afterwards. It does not, however, appear that his privileges as to his tribe or the state underwent any alteration. The court of the archon must have been that in which causes of this kind were brought forward, and the rejection would be completed and declared by the voice of the herald (dwoie^pv^ai). It is probable that an adoptive lather also might resort to this remedy against the ingratitude of a son. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 432, &c.) [J. S. M.]

APOI.EIPSIS (i*6\utyn). [divortium.]


Al'OLLO'NIA ('AioXAiMo) is the name of a propitiatory festival solemnized at Sicyon, in honour of Apollo and Artemis, of which Pausanias (ii. 7. § 7) gives the following account: — Apollo and Artemis, after the destruction of the Python, had wished to be purified at Sicyon (AetjicUea) ; but being driven away by a phantom (whence in aftertimes a certain spot in the town was called ♦o'Soy), they proceeded to Carmnnos in Crete. Upon this the inhabitants of Sicyon were attacked by a pestilence, and the seers ordered them to appease the deities. Seven boys and the same number of girls wore order d to go to the river Sythas, and bathe in its waters ; then to carry the statues of the two deities into the temple of Peitho, and from thence back to that of Apollo. Similar rites, says Pausanias, still continue to be observed ; for at the festival of Apollo, the boys go to the river Sythas, and carry the two deities into the temple of Peitho, and thence back to that of Apollo.

Although festivals under the name of Apollonia, in honour of Apollo, are mentioned in no other placr, still it is not improbable that they existed under the same name in other towns of Greece. [L. S-] Al'Ol'EMPSIS (enron/u^if). [divortium.] APOPHANS1S, or APOPHASIS (ixifarois or axo pao-is), was the proclamation of the decision which the majority of the judges came to at the end of a trial, and was thus also used to signify the day on which the trial took place. (Dem. e. Euen/rt. p. 1153 ; Lex Rhetor, p. 210.) The word was also employed to indicate the account of a person's property, which was obliged to be given when an arttulnsis was demanded. [antidosis.] APO'PHORA (hioipofi), which properly means " produce or profit" of any kind, was used at Athens to signify the profit which accrued to masters from their slaves. It thus signified the sum which slaves paid to their masters when they laboured on their own account, and the sum which masters received when they let out their slaves on hire either for the mines or any other kind of labour, and also the money which was paid by the state for the use of the slaves who served in the fleet (Dem. e. Apltob. i. p. 819, c. Nicostr. p. 1253 ; Andoc. De Myster. p. 19 ; Xen. Pep. Aih. i. 11; Bockh, PuhL Earn, of Athens, p. 72, 2nd ed.) The term apophora was also applied to the money which was paid by the allied states to Sparta, for

the purpose of carrying on the war against the Persians. When Athens acquired the supremacy, these monevs were called <p6poi, (Bockh, Ibid* p. 396.)

APOPHORE'TA (o.iro<po>irra.), presents which were given to friends at the end of an entertainment, to take home with them. These presents were usually given on festival days, especially during the Saturnalia. Martial gives the title of Apoplioreta to the fourteenth book of his Epigrams, which contains a number of epigrams on the things usually given away as apophoreta. (Suet. Kesp. 19; Cal. 55 ; Octav. 75.)

_ APOPHRADES HEMERAI (hanQpioti yfiJpcu), unlucky or unfortunate days (dies nefasti), on which no public business, nor any important affairs of any kind, were transacted at Athens. Such were the last three days but one of every month, and the twenty-fifth day of the month Thargelion, on which the Plynteria were celebrated. (Etym. Mag. p. 131 ; Plut Atab. 34 ; Lucian, Pseudolog. 13 ; Schomann, De Comitiis, p. 50.)

APORRHE'TA (a-woty-nr*), literally "things forbidden,n has two peculiar, but widely different, acceptations in the Attic dialect. In one of these it implies contraband goods, an enumeration oi which at the different periods of Athenian history, is given by Bockh (Publ. Earn, of Athens^ p. 53, 2nd ed.) ; in the other, it denotes certain contumelious epithets, from the application of which both the living and the dead were protected by special laws. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 482.) Among these, ivS/xtyoroj, irarpaAofos', and fitjTpa\oias are certainly to be reckoned ; and other words, as jityamns, though not forbidden nominatim by the law, seem to have been equally actionable. The penalty for using these words was a fine of 500 drachmae (Isoc. in Loch. p. 396), recoverable in an action for abusive language (Kcucrrpopias). It is surmised that this fine was in* curred by Meidias in two actions on the occasion mentioned by Demosthenes (t« Mid. pp. 540, 543 ; see also Hudtwalcker,/*? Diaetet. p.150). [J.S.M.]

APOSTA'SIOU DIKE' (&wo<rra<rlov Jijrn). This is the only private suit which came, as far as we know, under the exclusive jurisdiction of the polemarch. (Aristot De Aih. Rep. quoted by Harpocrat.) It could be bronght against none but a freedman (a>eA«u0«poj), and the only prosecutor permitted to appear was the citizen to whom he had been indebted for his liberty, unless this privilege was transmitted to the sons of such former master. The tenor of the accusation was, that there had been a default in duty to the prosecutor ; but what attentions might be claimed from the freedman, we are not informed. It is said, however, that the greatest delict of this kind was the selection of a patron (trpoardrns) other than the former master. If convicted, the defendant was publicly sold ; but if acquitted, the unprosperous connection ceased for ever, and the freedman was at liberty to select any citizen for his patron. The patron could also summarily punish the above-mentioned delinquencies of his freedman by private incarceration without any legal award. (Petit. Leg. Attic p. 261.) [J. S. M.]

APOSTOLEIS (airoo-To\«iy), ten public officers at Athens, whoso duty it was to see that the ships were properly equipped and provided by those who were bound to discharge the trierarchy. Tbey had the power, in certain mo, of ins; the trierarchs who neglected to furnish the shipi properly (Dem. pro Cor. p. 262) ; and they ccosiitsted & board, in conjunction with the inrpectors of the docks (ot rwr wtmpimr «wi*t«Airrai), for the prosecution of all matters relating to the wjuipcBent of the ships. (Dem. c. Emery, p. 1147 ; MfKT, AO. Proaat, p. 112 ; Bockh, PM. Earn. tSAtitxi. p. 5-tA)

APOTHE'CA (iwooVw), a place in the upper psrt of the house, in which the Romans frequently placed the earthen amphorae in which their wines *rre deposited. This place, which was quite deferent from the cella vmaria, was above the faurixm,- since it was thought that the passagc of the smoke through the room tended greatly to increase the flavour of the wine. (Colum. i_ 6. I 20; Hoc On. iiL 8. 11, Sat. il 5. 7, snd Heindnrf ^s note.) The pocition of the apotbeca exr-kins the expression in Horace arm. ui. 21. 7), DaamU, testa. (Cotnp. Becker, Gallus, vol. ii. H.\S9.)

APOTHEOSIS (iro««Wa\ the enrolment of a mortal among the gods. The mythology of Greece contains numerous instances of the deification of mortals ; bat in the republican times of Greece we find few examples of such deification. The inhabitants of Amphipolis, however, offered sacrifices to Brasidas after his death (Thuc. T. 11) ; and the people of Egeste built an ktromm to Pcilropus. and also offered sacrifices to him on account of his personal beauty. (Herod, r. 47.) In the Greek kingdoms, which arose in the East on the dignembeiuieut of the empire of Alexander, it does cot appear to have been uncommon for the sue


to the former sovereign. Such an
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, is
eritus in his 17th IdyL (See
Suet. Jnl Cow. 88.)

The term apotheosis, among the Romans, properly signified the elevation of a deceased emperor to divine honours. This practice, which was common upon the death of almost all the emperors, appears to have arisen from the opinion, which was generally entertained among the Romans, that the -souls or manes of their ancestors became deities ; and as it was common for children to worship the manes of their fathers, so it was natural for divine honours to be publicly paid to a deceased emperor, who was regarded as the parent of his country. This apotheosis of an emperor was usually called casatcratio; and the emperor who received the honour of an apotheosis, was said in deorum numernm referri, or amtecrari. In the earliest times Rtimuluj is said to have been admitted to divine honours under the name of Quirinus (Pint. Rom. 27,28 ; Lir. i. 16 ; Cic de Rep. ii. 10) ; but none of the other Roman kings appears to have received this hoooar, and in the republican times we also read of no instance of an apotheosis. Julius Caesar was deified after his death, and games were instituted to his honour by Augustus (Suet. JuL Caa. 88); and the example thus set was followed in the ease of the other emperors.
The ceremonies observed on the occasion of an apotheosis have been minutely described by Herodiau (iv. 2) in the following passage : — "It if the custom of the Romans to deify those of tieir emperors who die, leaving successors ; sod this rite they call apotheosis. On this

emblance of mxtrnuig, com Inn d with f. nival sad religious observances, is visit!* throughout the city. The body of the dead they honour after human fashion, with i

d making a waxen image in all him, they expose it to view in the vestibule of the palace, on a lofty ivory couch of great size, spread with cloth of gold. The figure is made pallid, like a sick man. During most of the day senators sit round the bed on the left side, clothed in black ; and noble women on the right, clothed in plain white garments, like mourners, wearing no gold or necklaces. These ceremonies continue for seven days ; and the physicians severally approach the conch, and looking on the sick man, say that he grows worse and worse. And when they have made believe that he is dead, the noblest of the equestrian and chosen youths of the senatorial orders take up the couch, and bear it alontf the Via Sacra, and expose it in the old forum. Platforms like steps are built upon each side ; on one of which stands a chorus of noble youths, and on the opposite, a chorus of women of high rank, who sing hymns and songs of praise to the deceased, modulated in a solemn and mournful strain. Afterwards they bear the couch through the city to the Campus Martins, in the broadest part of which a square pile is constructed entirely of logs of timber of the largest fixe, in th* shape of a chamber, filled with faggots, and on the outside adorned with hangings interwoven with gold and ivory images and pictures. Upon this, a similar but smaller chamber is built, with open doors and windows, and above it, a third and fourth, still diminishing to the top, so that one might compare it to the light-bouses which are called Phaii In the second story they place a bed, and collect all sorts of aromattes and incense, and every tort of fragrant fruit or herb or juice ; for all cities, and nations, and persons of eminence emulate each other in contributing these last gifts in honour of the emperor. And when a vast heap of aroma tics is collected, there is a procession of horsemen and of chariots around the pile, with the drivers clothed in robes of office, and wearing masks made to resemlile the most dislinpnialied Roman generals and emperors. When all this is done, the others set fire to it on every side, which easily catches hold of the fnggnts and aromaties ; and from the highest and smallest story, as from a pinnacle, an eagle is let loose to mount into the sky as the fire ascends, which is believed by the Romans to carry the soul of the emperor from earth to heaven ; and from that time he is worshipped with the other gods."

In conformity with this account, it it common to see on medals struck in honour of an apotheosis an altar with fire on it, and an eagle, the bird of Jupiter, taking flight into the air. The number of medals of this description is very numerous. We can from these medals alone trace the names of sixty individuals, who received the honours of an apotheosis, from the time of Julius Caesar to that of Constantino the Great. On most of them the word Conskcbatio occurs, and on some Greek coins the word A+IEPOCI2. The following woodcut is taken from an agate, which is supposed to represent the apotheosis of German icus. (Montfaucon, Ant. Expl. SuppL vol. v. p. 137.) In his left hand he holds the cornucopia, and Victory is placing a laurel crown upon him.

A very similar representation to the above is found on the triumphal arch of Titus, on which Titus is represented as being carried up to the skies on an eagle. There is a beautiful representation of the apotheosis of Augustus on an onyxstone in the royal museum of Paris.

Many other monuments have come down to us, which represent an npotheosis. Of these the most celebrated is the bas-relief in the Townlcy gallery in the British Museum, which represents the apotheosis of Homer. It is clearly of Roman workmanship, and is supposed to have been executed in the time of the Emperor Claudius.

The wives, and other female relations of the emperors, sometimes received the honour of an apotheosis. This was the case with Li via Augusta, with Poppaea the wife of Nero, and with Faustina the wife of Antoninus. (Suet. Claud. 11 j Dion Cass. xl. 5; Tac Ann. xvi. 21 j Capitolin. Anion. J>hilos. 26.)

APPARITO'RES, the general name for the public servants of the magistrates at Rome, namely, the AccsNsr, Carnifex, Coactores, Inter

Pretes,i<'ctore8,praeconr8,s< R1BAE, STATU It,
Strator, Viatores, of whom an account is given in separate articles. They were called apparitores because they were at hand to execute the commands of the magistrates (quod its apparebanl el praesto crant ad obseqttium, Serv. Ad Virg. A en. xii. 850; Cic. pro Ctamt. 53; Liv. L 8). Their service or attendance was called apparitio. (Cic ad Fam. xiiL 54, ad Qu, Fr. i. 1. § 4.) The servants of the military tribunes were also called apparitores. We read that the Emperor Sevcrus forbade the military tribunes to retain the apparitores, whom they were accustomed to have. (Lamprid. Sever. 52.)

Under the emperors, the apparitores were divided into numerous classes, and enjoyed peculiar privileges, of which an account is given in Just. Cod. 12. tit 52—59.

APPELLA'TIO. 1. Greek (tfm, or 4»oStKla). Owing to the constitution of the Athenian tribunals, each of which was generally appropriated to its particular subjects of cognisance, and therefore could not be considered as homogeneous with or subordinate to any other, there was little opportunity for bringing appeals properly so called. It is to be observed also, that in general a cause was finally and irrevocably decided by the verdict of the dicasts (8/107 avrorfK-fjs). There were, however, some exceptions, in which appeals and new trials might be resorted to.
A new trial to annul the previous award might

be obtained, if the loser could prove that it was not owing to his negligence that judgment had gone by default, or that the dicasts had been deceived by false witnesses. And upon the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, a special law annulled all the judgments that had been given during the usurpation. (Dem. e. Timocr. p. 718.) The peculiar title of the above-mentioned causes was avtiSiKoi Si'rnu, which was also applied to all causes of which the subject-matter was by any means again submitted to the decision of a court.

An appeal from a verdict of the heliasts was allowed only when one of the parties was a citizen of a foreign state, between which and Athens an agreement existed as to the method of settling disputes between individuals of the respective countries (sikcu awb ovpj&iktav). If s*ich a foreigner lost his cause at Athens, he was permitted to Rppeal to the proper court in another state, which (ttcKkirros H-o'ait) Bockh, Schoiuann, and Hudtwalcker suppose to have been the native country of the litigant Platncr, on the other hand, arguing from the intention of the regulation, viz. to protect both parties from the partiality of each other's fellow-citizens, contends that some disinterested state would probably be selected for this purpose. The technical words employed upon this occasion arc Ikkoauv, iKKaAettrdai, and v fKK\rrros, the last used as a substantive, probably by the later writers only, for (Qtats. (Harpocr. Hudtw. De Diaet. p. 125.) This as well as the other cases of appeal are noticed by Pollux (viii. 62, 63) in the following words:—u"e^«ti» is when one transfers a cause from the arbitrators (Siomrrol), or archons, or men of the township (SrjuOTai) to the dicasts, or from the senate to the assembly of the people, or from the assembly to a court (tuccurr-fipiov), or from the dicasts to a foreign tribunal ; and the cause was then termed ipiainot. Those suits were also called %KK\nTai Blicai. The deposit staked in appeals, which we now call *apaG6\iov, is by Aristotle styled TFapd€o\ov." The appeals from the diactetae are generally mentioned by Dem. c. Aphob. p. 862 ; c. Doeot. de Dote, pp. 1013, 1017, 1024 ; and Hudtwalcker supposes that they were allowable in all cases except when the M oiaa Slid] was resorted to, [dike.]

It is not easy to determine upon what occasions an appeal from the archons could be preferred ; for after the time of Solon their power of deciding causes had degenerated into the mere presidency of a court (rrytuovia Btfccurrr/pfot/), and the conduct of the previous examination of causes (av&Kpicis\ It has been also remarked (Platner, Proc und Klag. vol. i. p. 243), that upon the plaintiff's suit being rejected in this previous examination as unfit to be brought before a court, he would most probably proceed against the archon in the assembly of the people for denial of justice, or would wait till the expiration of his year of office, and attack him when he came to render the account of his conduct in the magistracy (tvSirai). (Antiph. De Choreut p. 788.) An appeal, however, from the archons, as well as from all other officers, was verypossible when they imposed a fine of their own authority and without the sanction of a court ; and it might also take place when the king archon had by his sole voice, made an award of dues and privi* leges (7*'po) contested by two priesthoods or sacer* dotal races. (Lex. Iilietoricum, pp. 219, 19.)

The appeal from the demotae would occur, when a person hitherto deemed one of their members, had been declared by them to be an intruder and no genuine citizen. If the appeal were made, the demotae appeared by their advocate as plaintiff, and the result was the restitution of the franchise, or thenceforward the slavery of the defendant

It will have been observed, that in the three last cases, the appeal was made from few or single or local judges to the heliasts, who were considered the representatives of the people or country. With respect to the proceedings, no new documents seem to hare been added to the contents of the echinus upon an appeal ; but the anacrisis would be confined merely to an examination, as far as was necessary, of those documents which had been already put in by the litigants.

There is some obscurity respecting the two next kinds of appeal that are noticed by Pollux. It is conjectured by Schomann (Att. Protest, p. 771) that the appeal from the senate to the people refers to cases which the former were for various reasons disinclined to decide, and by Platner (voL L p.427), that it occurred when the senate was accused of having exceeded its powers.
Upon the appeal from the assembly to court, there is also a difference of opinion between the two lastmentioned critics, Schomann maintaining (Att. Proeett, p. 771) that the words of Pollux are to be applied to a voluntary reference of a cause by the assembly to the dicasts, and Platner suggesting the possible case of one that incurred a praejudicium of the assembly against him (■xpoGohri, naraxcpororia) calling upon a court (Succurr-fipiov) to give trim the opportunity of vindicating himself from a charge that his antagonist declined to follow up. Platner also supposes the case of a magistrate summarily deposed by the assembly, and demanding to prove his innocence before the heliasts. [ J.S.M. J

2. Rohan. The word Appillatio, and the corresponding verb appellare, are used in the early Roman writers to express the application of an individual to a magistrate, and particularly to a tribune, in order to protect himself from some wrong inflicted, or threatened to be inflicted. It i3 distinguished from provocatio, which in the early writers is used to signify an appeal to the populus in a matter affecting life. It would seem that the provocatio was an ancient right of the Roman citizens. The surviving Horatius, who murdered his sister, appealed from the duumviri to the populus. (Liv. L 26.) The decemviri took away the provocatio; but it was restored by a lex consclaris de provocatione, and it was at the same time enacted that in future no magistrate should be made from whom there should be no appeal. On this Livy (iii. 55) remarks, that the plebes were now protected by the provocatio and the bnhtaadum auxilium; this latter term has reference to the appellatio properly so called (iii. 13. 56). Appius (Liv. iii. 56) applied (appeUavU) to the tribunes ; and when this produced no effect, and he was arrested by a viator, he appealed (provoeacit). Cicero (De Oral. ii. 48) appears to allude to the re-establishment of the provocatio, which is mentioned by Livy (iii. 55). The complete phrase to express the provocatio is provocate, adpopulum ; and the phrase which expresses the appellatio, is appellare, and in the later writers appellare ad. It appears that a person might appellors from one magistrate to another of equal rank ; and, of course,

from an inferior to a superior magistrate ; and from one tribune to another.

The appeals which have here been referred to, were limited to criminal matters. In civil suits there was not, and could not be any appeal under the republic, for the purpose of revising and altering a decision, for each magistrate had power to decide finally within the limits of his jurisdiction : and as a general rule, the sentence of a judex could not be reversed by the magistrate who appointed the judex. The only mode in which a person could have relief, in such cases, was by the intercessio of a superior magistrate, or the appellatio of the tribunes which would be in the nature of a stay of execution. The In inlryram restitutio also existed under the republic

When the supreme power became vested in the emperors, the terms provocatio and appellatio lost their original signification. Thus GelUus (iv. 14) has used provocatio for appellatio. In the Digest (49. tit 1. De AppeUationibus) provocatio and appellatio are used indiscriminately, to express what we call an appeal in civil matters: but provocatio seems so far to have retained its original meaning as to be the only term used for an appeal in criminal matters. The emperor centred in himself both the power of the populus and the veto of the tribunes; but the appeal to him was properly in the last resort Augustus (Sueton. Octavianut, 33) established a system of regular appeals from litigant parties at Rome to the Praetor Urbanus, as in the provinces to the governors. Nero (Sueton. Nero, 17) enacted that, all appeals from privaii (Tacit Annul, xiv. 28)jWice« should be to the senate. Appellatio among the later Roman jurists, then, signifies an application for redress from the decision of an inferior to a superior, on the ground of wrong decision, or other sufficient ground. According to Ulpian (Dig. 49. tit 1), appeals were common among the Romans, " on account of the injustice or ignorance of those who had to decido (jttdioantes), though Bometimcs an appeal alters a proper decision, as it is not a necessary consequence that he who gives the last gives also the best decision." This remark must be token in connection with the Roman system of procedure, by which such matters were referred to a judex for his decision, after the pleadings had brought the matter in dispute to an issue. From the emperor himself there was, of course, no appeal; and by a constitution of Hadrian, there was no appeal from the senate to the emperor. The emperor, in appointing a judex, might exclude all appeal and make the decision of the judex final. M. Aurelius by a rescript (Dig. 49. tit 1. s. 1, 21) directed an appeal from the judgment of a judex to the magistrate who had appointed the judex. The appeal, or libellua appcllalorius, showed who was the appellant, against whom the appeal was, and what was the judgment appealed from.

Appellatio also means to summon a party before a judex, or to call upon him to perform something that he has undertaken to do. (Cic Ad Att. i. 8.) The debtor who was summoned (appeUatia) by his creditor, and obeyed the summons, was said respondere.

The system of appcllationes as established under the empire was of very extensive application, and was not limited to matters of criminal and civil procedure. A person might appeal in matters that related to the fiscus, to penalties and fines, and

103 - 107

to civil offices and burdens. This subject is fully treated by Hollweg, Handbuch da Civilprozesses, p. 350. [G. L.]


APROSTA'SIOU GRAPHE' (&*po<rraolov ypatpii), an action falling under the jurisdiction of the polemarch, which was brought against those metoeki, or resident aliens, who had neglected to provide themselves with a patron (tooutottis). This action is stated to have been also brought against those metoeki, who exercised the rights of full citizens, or did not pay the Hctoikiov, a tax of twelve drachmae exacted from resident aliens ; but Meier has remarked that this action was only applicable in such cases, provided that the metoeki had no patron. (Harpocrat ; Zonar. ; Suid. and the other grammarians; Meier, Att. Process, p. 31S, &c.)

APSIS or ABSIS (n+'i), in its literal meaning from aVro>, is a fastening of any kind ; for example, the meshes of a net (Horn. IL v. 487.) It was applied specially to the joining together the extremities of a piece of wood, so as to give it the shape of a bow ; and hence it came to signify anything of that shape, such as a bow, an arch, or a wheel. (Hes. Op. 424 ; Herod, iv. 72.) A potter's wheel is described, in the Anthology, as Kvk\os a^tloi. The next transition of meaning is to anything vaulted (for example, r) inrovparla wfiis, the vault of heaven, Plat. Phaedr. p. 247, b.) ; and in this sense it was adopted in architecture, first, for any building or portion of a building of a circular form, or vaulted (Plin. Epist. it 17. § 18), and more especially for the circular and vaulted end of a Basilica. (Paul. Nol. Ep. 12; Augustin, Ep. 203 ; laid. Orig. xv. 8.) For other applications of it, all with the general meaning of a vault or curve, see Forccllini. [P. S.j

AQUAEDUCTUS (bopayayla), literally, a water-conduit, would, of course, properly describe any channel for the presage of water; but the word is used especially for the magnificent structures by means of which Rome and other cities of the Roman empire were supplied with water, and which may be described in general terms as a channel, constructed as nearly as possible with a regular declivity from the source whence the water was derived to the place where it was delivered, carried through hills by means of tunnels, and over valleys upon a substruction of solid masonry or arches.

The aqueduct is mentioned by Strabo as among the structures which were neglected by the Greeks, and first brought into use by the Romans (v. p. 235). It will presently be seen that this statement requires some slight modification ; but, if understood of the grand structures we have referred to, it is true enough that the Greeks (before the Roman conquest) had none such, and for the obvious reason, that they had no need of them. There is no occasion to discuss the possibility or impossibility of constructing aqueducts without arches, which is the reason alleged by some writers for their not being used by the Greeks ; there is reason enough in the physical geography of the country. Springs (Kprjvcu, Kpovvoi) were sufficiently abundant to supply the great cities with water ; and great attention was paid to the preservation and adornment of them ; they were converted into public fountains by the formation of a head for their waters, and the erection of an

ornamental superstructure ; and were dedicated to some god or hero. Pausanias (x. 4. § 1) considers no place to deserve the name of city, which has not such a fountain. We are indebted to the same author and other Greek writers for accounts of some of the most celebrated fountains ; such as that of Theagencs, at Megara (Paus. L 40. § 1) ; those of Peirene and Lema at Corinth, where there were many other fountains, as well as a Roman aqueduct erected by Hadrian (ii. 3. §§ 2, 3, 5 ; 4. 15) ; that in the grove of Aesculapius at Epidaurus (ii 17. § 5) ; and several others (iv. 31, 32, 34, vii. 5, 21, viii. 13), of which we need only mention the Enneakrounos at Athens, which was constructed by Peisistratus and his sons, and of which Thucydides records the interesting fact, marking the transition from the natural springs to the artificial fountain, and showing the importance attached even to the former, that " it was called Callirhoe formerly, when the springs icere visible (dtayepuv ratv TriryStv ohausv, Thuc ii. 15 ; Paus. i. 14. § 1) : to this enumeration might be added the springs of salt-water in certain temples ; as in those of Erechtheus at Athens, and of Poseidon Hippius at Mantineia. (Paus. i. 26. § 5, viii 10. §4.)

In these cases we have no reason to suppose that there was any thing more than a fountain over or close to the springs, forming a head for the water derived, either immediately, or by very short channels, from them. But we are not without examples of constructions more nearly approaching the Roman aqueducts in kind, though not in degree. That the Greeks, at a very early period, had some powers of hydraulic engineering is snowtt by the drainage tunnels of the lake Copai's, and th« similar works of Phaeax at Agrigentum [ekissariuh] ; and we have an instance of a channel for water being carried through a mountain, to supply the city of Samoa, The height of the mountain was 150 orguiae (900 Greek feet) ; the length of the tunnel was seven stadia (7-8ths of a Roman mile, or about 1420 yards) ; its section was a square of eight Greek feet. The actual channel for the water was cut below this, and was, if the text is right, thirty Greek feet deep, and three wide ; the water passed through pipes (oia ateMlvwv) from a copious spring, and was thus brought to the city. (Herod, iii. 60.) Muller conjectures that the work was one of those executed by Polycrates (Archaol. d.Kunst, § 81).

The chief regulations among the Greeks respecting fountains and springs, whether in town or country, were the following : — Water might be fetched from the public fountains or wells to a distance of four stadia ; beyond this, persons must dig their own wells; but if any one dug to a depth of ten orguiae (or, according to Plato, p.^xpl TT/r KepafdSos yhs) without finding water, he was permitted to take from his neighbour's well a pitcher of six chocs twice a day (Plut SoL 23 ; Plat. Leg. viii. p. 844, a,b).

The Romans were in a very different position, with respect to the supply of water, from most of the Greek cities. They, at first, had recourse to the Tiber, and to wells sunk in the city ; but the water obtained from those sources was very unwholesome, and must soon have proved insufficient, from the growth of the population, to say nothing of the supplies afterwards required for the naumachiac and public baths. It was this nececthe public supply of

sitv thai led to the invention "f aqueduct", in «rder to bring pore water from a considerable dwranrr, from the hills, in fact, which surround the Campagna. The date of the first aqueduct is asItgned by Fran tin as to the Tear A. V. c. i;;. or B.C 313 (Dt AqmamL '■ .'/. ■■. 4, p. 14, ed. Adler) ; and the nnmber of aqueducts was gradually increased, partly at the public expense, and pardy by the munificence of individuals, till, in the time of Procopiua, they amounted to fourteen ; and. even before they were all erected, they might well excite the admiration which Pliny expresses with respect to the daodian aqueduct, in the fblkwin; passage (//. .V. xxxri. 15. a.24): — "But if any one will carefully calculate the quantity of water, for hatha, reservoirs, (estrrpi), gardens, and suburban tg the distance which it traverses, built, the mountains perforated, the he will confess that there never wssany thing more wonderful in the whole world."

But why did the Romans waste so much money sad labour on works, the purpose of which aught have bees effected much more scientifically by the simple plan of laying; pipes along the pound ? Of course, it is easy to give the unthink- I iag answer, that they were ignorant of the laws of | hydrostatka, and did not know that water finds its ovm level! It is truly marvellous that such an absurd notion should ever have been entertained, and yet it is the common explanation of the fact of their building aqueducts instead of laying down water-pipes. If it were at all necescessary to prove that a nation, so far advanced in ci.ilLotion as the Romans, or indeed that any individual arrived at years of discretion, bad discovered that water finds its own level, the proof might be supplied from passages in Latin authors *, from the whole arrangements for the distribution of the water of the aqueducts, and from the

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very existence of their numerous fountains; ss s decisive ocular demonstration, we have given above a section of one of the many fountains still existing at Pompeii. Another reason assigned for the construction of aqueducts by the Romans is their want of the materials, and the manufacturing skill, to make pipes of a sufficient sire ; combined, on the other hand, with the love of magnificence sad the ostentations disregard of expense, by which the architectural works of the empire are characterised. Some weight should doubtless be assigned to these considerations, although, in fact, the Romans made use of pipes ss well as aqueducts: but the great point is, that it baa been loo hastily assumed that the aqueduct an unscientific mode of conveying water to a large city from distant sources ; or that it is peculiar to the ancients. London itself is chiefly supplied by an aqueduct, for such is the New River in principle, although the country through which it flows is such ss not to require arches and tunnels like those of the Roman aqueducts ; and the remark would apply to several other great cities. The whole matter is a question of the balance of advantages. On the one hand there is the expense of the aqueduct: on the other, the enormous pipes which would lie required for the conveyance of an equal quantity of water, their liability to get obstructed, and to yield at the joints, the loss by friction, especially in the bends, and the unequal pressure of the water. In fact, the most recent feat of engineering science in this department is exactly a return to the Roman aqueduct, which has been preferred to any other plan for conveying water in large quantities a considerable distance, over great inequalities of ground: we refer to the aqueduct, begun in 1837 and finished in 1843, by which the water of the river Croton is conveyed a distance of forty miles, for the supply of New York, and which is thus described: — "An artificial channel, built with square stones, supported on solid masonry, is carried over valleys, through nder hills, on arches and banks, or through lad bridges, over these forty miles. Not a pipe, but a sort of condensed river, arched over to keep it pure and safe, is made to flow at the rate of a mile and a half an hour towards New York." A more einct description of an ancient Roman aqueduct could not easily be given. (See lUuttratixu of tie Cratom Aqueduct, by F. B. Tower, 1843.)

The detailed description of the arrangements of the aqueduct will be better understood, after an enumeration of the principal aqueducts by which water was conveyed to Rome across the Campagna.
They were fourteen in number ; and only four of them belong to the time of the republic, while five were built in the reigns of Augustus and Claudius. Our knowledge of the subject is derived almost entirely from the treatise De Aquaeductibua Urbit liomae, by S. Julius Fronlinus, who was curator aquarum (keeper of the aqueducts) under Nerva and Trajan. It should be observed that the Aquaedueiu* is often called simply Aqua.
1. The Aqua Appia was begun by the censor Appius Claudius Caecus (to whom also Rome was indebted for her first great road), in B.C. 313. Its sources were near the Via 1'raenatma, between the seventh and eighth milestones, and its terwas at the talmac, by Uie l'urta Triijemiua. Its length was 11,190 passus, for 11,130 of which it was carried under the earth, and for the remaining 60 passu*, within the city, from the Porta Capcna to the Porta Trigemina, it was on arches. The distribution of its water began from the dims Publicius. (Frontin. 5; Liv. ix.29; Diod. rx. 36 ; Aur. Vict Vir. lUust. 34, who confounds it with the Anio.) No traces of it remain.

2. The Anio Veins was commenced forty years later, a c. 273, by the censor M. Curius Dcntatus, and was finished by M. Fulvius Flaccus. The expense was defrayed out of the spoils taken from Pyrrhus. The water was derived from the river Anio, above Tibur, at a distance of twenty Roman miles from the city; but, on account of its windings, its actual length was forty-three miles, of which length Ins than a quarter of a mile only (namely, 221 passus) was above the ground. There are considerable remains of this aqueduct on the Aurelian wall, near the Porta Maggiore, and also in the neighbourhood of TivolL It was built of blocks of peperino stone, and the water-course was lined with a thick coating of cement. (Front 6; Aur. Vict Vir. IU. 43.)

3. The Aqua Marcia, one of the most important of the whole, was built by the praetor Q. Marcius Rex, by command of the senate, in n r. 144. The want of a more plentiful supply of water had been long felt, especially as that furnished by the Anio Fetus was of such bad quality as to be almost unfit for drinking ; and, in n. c. 179, the censors, M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Flaccus Nobilior, had proposed the erection of a new aqueduct; bnt the scheme had been defeated, in consequence of Licinius Crassus refusing to let it be carried through his lands. (Liv. xl. 51.) The two existing aqueducts had also fallen into decay by neglect, and had been much injured by private persons drawing off the water at different parts of their course. The senate therefore commissioned the praetor Marcius to repair the old aqueducts, and to build a third, which was named after him. Some writers have pretended that the original construction of this aqueduct is to be ascribed to Ancus Marcius, alleging a passage of Pliny (//. .V. xxxi. 3. s. 24), and a medal of the Marcian gens, family Philippus, which bears on the obverse a head with the legend Ancvs, and on the reverse a representation of an aqueduct, with the letters Aqvami between the arches, supporting an equestrian statue with the legend Phillippvs : but those who know any thing of the history of Roman family records will understand that this medal bears no evidence to the point in question, and is simply a perpetuation of two of the greatest distinctions of the Marcia gens, their alleged descent from Ancus, and the aqueduct which bore their name ; and Pliny's opinion is simply one of his ludicrous blunders, arising probably from his confounding Marcius Rex with the king Ancus Marcius. (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. vol. v. p. 248.)

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length was 61,710J passus, of which only 74C3 were above ground ; namely, 528 on solid *ul>structions, and 6935 on arches. It was high enough to supply water to the summit of tl i e Capitoline Mount It was repaired by Agrippa in his aedileship, B.c. 33 (sec below, No. 5.), and the volume of its water was increased by Augustus, by means of the water of a spring BOO passus from it: the short aqueduct which conveyed this water was called the Aqua but is never enumerated as a distinct i Pliny states that the water of the Aqua Mai was the coldest and most wholesome of all which was brought to Rome j and Vitruvius and other writers refer to the excellence of the water as being proverbial. Several arches of the Aqua Marcia are still standing. (Frontin. 12 ; Plin. H.N. xxxi. 3. s. 24, who differs from Frontinus in some of the details ; Strab. v. p. 240 ; Vitruv. viii. 3. § 1 ; Dion Cass. xlix. 42 j Plut Coriol. 1 ; Properu iii. 22, 24 ; Martial, vl 42. 16 ; Stat Silv. L 5, 25.)

4. The Aqua Tepula, which was built by the censors Cn. Servilius Caepio and L. Cassias Longinus in & c 127, began at a spot in the Lucullan or Tusculan land, two miles to the right of the tenth milestone on the Via Latina. It was afterwards connected with

5. The Aqua Julia. Among the splendid public works executed by Agrippa in his aedileship, B. c. 33, was the formation of a new aqueduct, and the restoration of all the old ones. From a source two miles to the right of the twelfth milestone of the Via Latino, he constructed his aqueduct (the Aqua Julia) first to the Aqua Tepula, in which it was merged as far as the reservoir {piscina) on the Via Latina, seven miles from Rome. From this reservoir the water was carried along two distinct channels, on the same substructions (which were probably the original substructionsv of the Aqua Tepula, newly restored), the lower channel being called the Aqua Tepula, and the upper the Aqua Julia ; and this double aqueduct again was united with the Aqua Marcia, over the watercourse of which the other two were carried. The monument erected at the junction of these three aqueducts, is still to be seen close to the Porta S. Lorenzo. It bears an inscription referring to the repairs under Caracalla. (See the woodcut below, p. 112.) The whole course of the Aqua Julia, from its source, amounted to 15,426 passus, partly on massive substructions, and partly on arches. (Frontin. 8, 9, 19.)

6. The Aqua Virgo was built by Agrippa, to supply his baths. From a source in a marshy spot by the eighth milestone on the Via Collatiua, it was conducted by a very circuitous route, chiefly under the ground, to the M. Pincius, whence it was carried on arches to the Campus Martius. Its length was 14,105 passus, of which 12,865 were underground ; in its subterranean course it received the water of numerous Bprings ; and its water was as highly esteemed for bathing as that of the Af/ua Marcia was for drinking. It is one of the two aqueducts on the left bank of the Tiber, which are still in use, though on a much-diminished scale. (See below.) The origin of its name is variously explained. (Frontin. 10 • Dion Cass. liv. 11 ; Plin. H. N. xxxi. 3. s. 25 ; Cassiod. For. vii. 6 ; Ovid, Trist. iii. 12. 22 ; Martial. T. 20. 9, vl 42. 18, xi. 47. 6.)

' 7. The Aqua MdMm (sometime* called siso ipj Augusta), an the other tide of the Tiber, by Ausrustus from the Locus ' (Logo di Martionamo), which lav 6500 fasxit to the right cf the fourteenth milestone on the Fix Claudia, to the part of the ftetpo Tnuuhlerima below the Jamtemlmu. Its length was 22,172 suns, of which only 358 were on arches ; and is water ni so bad that it could only hare been intended far the nrpply of Augustus** \ammaoiia, sad br watering gardena. Iu reservoir was 1800 feet long by 1200 wide. (Frontin. 11.)

8, S. The two moat magnificent aqueducts were the Aqua Claudia and the Amio A'oras (or Aqua Axitua Aora), both commenced by Caligula in x o. 36, and finished by Claudius in A. D. 50. The water of the Aqua Claudia was derived from two copious and excellent spring*, called Caeruau and (trass, near the thirty-eighth milestone on the Via SuUoivnns, and it was afterwards increased by a third spring, Attxtdinm. Its water was reckoned the best after the Martin. Iu length was 46,40(> pastas (nearly 4S", miles), of which 9567 were on arches. Of a still greater length was the Atria .Vocas, which began at the forty-second milestone, cm the Via Suhiacenms^ and received in addition, at the thirty-eighth milestone, opposite the sources of the Aqua Claudia, a stream called the Areas Herczl.axe**. It was the longest and the highest of aD the aqueducts, ha length being nearly 59 miles (oK,700 possas), and some of its arches 109 feet high. In the neighbourhood of the city these two aqueducts were united, forming two channels on the same arches, the Claudia below and the Amio Norm* above. An interesting monument educts, is the gate now Porta Maggiore, which was originally a maircincent double arch, by means of which the aqueduct was carried over the Via Labieana and the Via Praexutixa. The Porta Labieana was blocked up by Honorius ; but the arch has been lately cleared of bis barbarous constructions. Over the double arch are three inscriptions, which record the names of Claudius as the builder, and of Vespasian and Titus as the restorers of the aqueduct- (See the woodcut below.) By the side of this arch the aqueduct passes along the wall of Auxeuan for some distance, and then it is continued upon the A reus Neroniani or C'aelimontoni, which were added by Nero to the original structure, and which terminated at the temple of Claudius, which was also built by Nero, on the Coxiiut. where the water was probably conveyed to a enrrrffwia already built for the Aqua Julia, and for a branch of the Aqua Mania, which had bees at some previous time continued to the fortius : the monument called the Arch of Dolabella is probably a remnant of this common codetta*. (Becker, Handb. d. Rim. AUerth. vol. L pp.499—502.)

These nine aqueducts were all that existed in the time of Frontinus, who thus speaks of them i which can hardly be thought : — ** Tot aquarum tarn multii n> crst pyramidas videlicet otiosas compares, ted fama celebrate opera Graecorum." It in been calculated that these nine aqueducts fnmisbed Rome with a supply of water equal to that carried down by a rirer thirty feet broad by Uk deep, Sowing at the rat* of thirty inches a Mcood. There was alao another aqueduct, not


uo longer brought all the way t 10. This was the Aqua Crt source near that of the Julio, i

th the nine, because its waters were
to Rome : Crmtra, which had its Julia, and which was originally carried right through the Circus Maximna ; but the water was so bad, that Agrippa would not bring it into the J mho, but abandoned it to the people of the Tusculan land ; hence it was called Aqua Damuata. At a later period, part of its water was brought into theAqua Julia. (Frontin. 9.) Considerable traces of it remain.
There are still four aqueducts of later construction to be added to the hat.
11. The Aqua Trajoms was brought by Trajan from the Locus SobotiMus (now liraeciann), to supply the Jauiculus and the /iVyib Trasulilcriua. Its construction is'recorded on coins of gold, silver, and bronie, of the years 111 and 112 A. D. (KcltheL, Doctr. A wn. Vet vi. pp. 425, 428). Trajan also restored snd improved the other aqueducts, especially the Auto S'urus. (Frontin. 92,93.)
12. The Aqua Akummdrima was constructed by Alexander Severus ; its source was in the lands of Tusculum, about fourteen miles from Rome, between Gabii and the Lake Regillus. Its small height shows that it was intended for the baths of Severus, which were in one of the valleys of Rome. (Lamprid. Alex. 8m. 25 ; Fabretti, /Nan. L | 23.)
13. The Aqua Septimiama, built by f
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Koine, according to Fabretti; but more probably 15,000. Its builder is unknown.
These seem to have been the fourteen aqueducts, which were still preserved in use at Koine in the time of Procopius (Gotk. L 19); but there is a doubt respecting some of the last fire. Thus the lCpilorpu to the Notitia mentions the Cimimia, the Srteriama, and the Autouia, and makes the whole number nineteen ; while Amelias Victor enumerates twenty. The account of Procopius seems the most exact, and the excess in the other statements may be explained from the enumeration of the small accessory branches of the chief aqueducts: for the Aqua Jovia of Bunscn there is no sufficient authority. (Becker, Handb. d. Rom. Altertk. voL i, p. 707.)
Great pains were taken by successive emperors to preserve and repair the aqueducts. From the Gothic wars downwards, they have for the most part shared the fate of the other great Roman works of architecture ; their situation and purpose rendering them peculiarly exposed to injury in war; but still their remains form the most striking features of the Campagna, over which their lines of ruined arches, clothed with ivy and the wild fig-tree, radiate in various directions. Three of them still serve for their ancient use ; and these three alone, according to Touxnon, supply the modem city with a quantity of water much greater than that which is furnished to Paris by the Canal de l'Ourcq, for a population six times as large. They are :—(1.) The Acqua Vergine, the ancient Aqua Virgo, which was restored by Pope Pius IV. and further embellished by Benedict XIV. and Clement XIII. The chief portion of its waters gush out through the beautiful Fontana di Trevi, but it also supplies twelve other public fountains, and the greater part of the lower city. (2.) The Acqua Felice, named after the conventual name of its restorer Sixtus V. (Fra Felice) is, probably, a part of the ancient Aqua Claudia, though Borne take it for the Alexandrine, It supplies twentyseven public fountains, and the eastern part of the city. (3.) The Acqua Paola, the ancient Alsietina, supplies the Transtevere and the Vatican, and feeds, among others, the splendid fountains before St Peter's. Of the ruins of the other aqueducts the most extensive, within Rome, are those of the Arcus Neroniani, and of the Aqua Crabra ; the most interesting are the Porta Maggiore, with the two channels of the Aqua Claudia and Anio Norms, and the remains of the triple aqueduct of Agrippa by the Porta S. Lorenzo. The following woodcut (after Hirt) represents restored sections of them, preserving their relative proportions: —

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Fig. 1. — Section of the Porta Maggiore at Rome: a. the Aqua Claudia; b. the Anio Noma ; e. openings to give vent to the air.
Fig. 2. — Section of the triple aqueduct of Agrippa: o. the Aqua Mania; b. the Aqua Tepula; e. the Aqua Julia. The two latter arc of brick and vaulted over. The air-vents are also shown.

The magnificence displayed by the Romans in their public works of this class, was by no means confined to the capital; for aqueducts more or less stupendous were constructed by them in various and even very remote parts of the empire, — at Athens, Corinth, Catana, Salona, Nicomedia, Ephesus, Smyrna, Alexandria in the Troad, Syracuse, Metz, Clermont in Auvergne, Nimes (the Pont du Gard), Lyon, Evora, Merida, and Segovia. Those at Ephesus and Alexandria were built by

Hadrian and Herodes Atticus, and that at Athens was commenced by Hadrian and finished by Antoninus Pius, who also built those at Corinth and Nicomedia. That at Evora, which was built by Quintus Sertorius, is still in good preservation ; and at its termination in the city Vias a very elegant casteUum in two stories, the lower one of which has Ionic columns. Merida in Spain, the Augusta Emerita of the Romans, who established a colony there in the time of Augustus, has among its other antiquities the remains of two aqueducts, of one of which thirty-seven piers are standing, with three tiers of arches ; while of the other there are only two which form part of the original constructions, the rest being modem. But that ot Segovia, for which some Spanish writers have claimed an antiquity anterior to the sway of the Romans in Spain, is one of the most perfect and magnificent works of the kind anywhere remaining. It is entirely of stone, and of great solidity, the piers being eight feet wide and eleven in depth ; and, where it traverses a part of the city, the height is upwards of a hundred feet, and it has two tiers of arches, the lowermost of which axe exceedingly lofty.

We proceed to describe in detail the construction and arrangements of Roman aqueducts. There are three matters to be considered: the source from which the water was derived ; the aqueduct itself, by which it was conveyed ; and the reservoir in which it was received, and from which it was distributed for use.

(1.) The Sources. — It is unnecessary to follow Vitruvius into the minute rules which he lays down for the discovery of springs, where they were not naturally visible, and for testing the quality of the water: it is enough to refer to his statements as showing the importance attached to these points. (Vitruv. viii. 1.) It was also necessary that the springs should have such an elevation, as that, after allowing for the fall necessary to give the channel its proper inclination, the water should enter the final reservoir at a sufficient height to permit of its distribution for public and private use ; for there were no engines used, as in modern waterworks, to raise the water to a higher elevation than that at which it was required. When the source had been fixed upon, whether it was an open spring (font), or one got at by sinking a well (puteus), a head was dug for the water, and inclosed with a wall ; and, if necessary, the supply was increased by digging channels from neighbouring springs: the rules for these operations also are minutely laid down by Vitruvius (viii. 7. s. 6. §§ 12—15).

(2.) The Channel, or Aqueduct itself*—In order to convey the water from its source to its destination, a channel was constructed, having a slight, and, as nearly as possible, a uniform declivity. An elaborate description of the means adopted to secure this object is quite needless for readers of the present day, as they were almost precisely

* Though the word aquaeductus is applied generally to the whole structure, yet in its special and proper meaning it seems only to have signified that part of the work in which the water-channel was carried over a valley, on arches or on solid substructions: a channel on the surface of the i ground was properly called rivus; and one beneuih I the surface, rivus subterraneus, or amiculus.

108 - 112

similar to those with which we are familiar in oar oi] nys: bills were pierced through by tunnels, sod Taller* crossed either by •olid substructions or arches of* masonry, according to the height required ; and of these arches there were often two urn, and sometimes even three. The channel itself (tpeem*, oamaHs) was a trough of brick or stone, lined with cement, and covered with a coping, which was almost always arched ; and the water either ran directly through this trough, or it was carried through pipes laid sUong the trough. Ween the channel was carried beneath the surface, if the hill through which it passed was of rock, it was merely cut in the rock ; but if of earth or sand, it was constructed of blocks of stone.

The following woodcut represents a portion of a doable-arched aqueduct, and shows a section of the sperms (a): 6 & are projecting blocks, which are often seen in such positions* susd which were dauntless the support* for the centerings used in building the arches.

[blocks in formation]

The object of eorering the speeus was to exclude the sun and rain, and other corruptions and obbut it was necessary to provide a rent the air, which otherwise would have been to such a degree as to burst the walla roof of the speeus. These vent-holes were made at regular intervals in the roof of the tpecus, or, when another channel passed over ft, in the side. They are represented in the sections, given above, of the Aqma Ctandia, Afarcia, &c To ventilate the subterranean channel of an aqueduct, a shaft (peteus) of masonry was carried to th<scrfhee of the ground at intervals of an artug, or 120 Roman feet (or two actus, according to Pliny, who calls them lamina), as shown in the following woodcut (after Hirt), which represents the plan, longitudinal section, and transverse section, of part of a rttvr $mUerra*eu*, the ruins of which still exist at PaJroyra,

The rums sitfarranevs possessed the advantage over the atptaeductua of being less exposed to variations of temperature, and more secure from mlarr; on the other hand, it was of course more it required repairs. A given above, of the Roman

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dOficnlt to get at ? to the

a. The water-course ; 6, steps giving access to it; r, the shaft ; of,«, section of the Bpeetu and shaft ; f, transverse section of them.
Instead of, or within, the •fern*, pipes (fittmhte, ttt/mli), were often used for the pasaage of tba water. They were of lead, or terra cotta tfaiiU$)% and sometimes, for the sake of economy, of lrnthrr. The rules which Vitruvius lays down apply particularly to leaden pipes, although he gives the preference to the earthen ones, chiefly on the ground that the water which passed through them was more wholesome. The pipes were made in lengths not less than ten feet, and of various widths, which were denominated in the manner explained under Fibtl'm. They were cemented together at the joints, which in earthen pipes went made to overlap, and when the water wn« first let in, ashes were mixed with it, in order that they might settle in the joints and stop them more completely. The nse of pipes permitted variations to be made in the construction of the aqueduct: namely, the water could lie carried round, instead of through a hill, if the circuit was not too great; and in very wide valleys, the costly structure of arches could be dispensed with. In this caw. a low horizontal substruction was made across the Itottom of the valley, and the pipe was brought down the one slope, along this substruction, and up the opposite slope, to a height, of course, somewhat less than that of the opposite aide. The horizontal part of the pipe across the Inittom of the valley {renter"), had ventilating openings for the escape of the air. At the bending*, instead of the pipe, an elbow was bored in a solid piece of stone, into which the ends of the adjacent pieces of pipe were securely cemented. (For further details, nee Vitruvius.) In those places where the pipes were laid on the surface, reservoirs were sometimes made, at intervals of 200 orrsw (24,000 feet), in order that, if a part of the pipe needed repair, the supply of water might not be entirely cut off. The advantage in the use of pipes according to V itruviua, was the facility of repairing them.
The slope (ftutiyium), on which the aqueduct was built, in order to give the water a proper fall (iifjramentum), onght not, says Vitruvius, to be less than half a foot in every 100 feet (1 in 200) ; but Pliny only allows a tieilinu (a quarter of an inch) in 100 feet. The great circuit, which most of the aqueducts of Rome made, was taken chiefly (as is the case with the New River), to prevent the too rapid descent of the water. There is, however, a considerable variation in their declivities: for example, the Aqua A tarda and the

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The water flowed from the aqueduct a into the first upper chamher, thence down and up again through the openings A, r, e, into the second upper chamber, out of which it passed into the continuation of the aqueduct f, having deposited its sediment in the two lower chambers, which could be cleaned out by the door d. The piscina was not always vaulted: Hirt, from whose work the above cut is taken, gives also an engraving of an open piscina. These reservoirs were not always used : for example, the Aqua Virgo and the Alsietina were without them. They were especially necessary when the water was conveyed through pipes. They were also used as reservoirs for the supply of the neighbouring country, chiefly for the purposes of irrigation.

The details, which we have now been noticing, are minutely described by Frontinus, and by Vitruvius* (viii. c. 7. s. 6), and briefly by Plinv (//. iV. xxxi. 6. s.31).

(3.) The Termination of the Aqueduct, and the Arrangements for the Distribution of its Water. — The water thus conducted to the city was received, when it reached the walls, in a vast reservoir called casteUum, which formed the head of irater and also served the purpose of a meter. The more ancient name in use, when the aqueducts were first constructed, was dividiculum. (Fest. s. v.) From this principal castelhtm the water flowed into other casteila, whence it was distributed for public and private use. The term casteUum is sometimes also applied to the intermediate reservoirs already mentioned.

The chief casteUum was, externally, a highly decorated building ; for example, that of Hadrian, at Athens, was adorned with Ionic pillars, and that at Evora, in Portugal, had the form of a circular temple. Internally, there was generally one vast chamber, with a vaulted roof supported by massive pillars, into which the water flowed from
* The particular attention which Vitruvius pays to the conveyance of water through pipes, wn.rr.ints the supposition that in his time, when some of the most important of the aqueducts were not yet erected, that method was very largely employed.

the aqueduct, and from which it was conducted through pipes of fixed dimensions, into three smaller reservoirs, which were, however, so arranged, that the middle one was only supplied from the overflow of the other two. Of these three reservoiri, the two outer supplied respectively the public baths and the private houses, and the middle one the public ponds and fountains (locus et salicntesi) : so that, in case of a deficient supply for useful purposes, none would be wasted on the fountains ; the arrangement also enabled a proper account to be kept of the quantity supplied for private use, for the protection of the revenue derived from this source. (Vitruv. viii. 7. s. 6. §§ 1, 2.)

The minor casteila, which received the water from this chief head, were distributed over the city, in such a manner that the Aqua Appia supplied seven regiones by means of twenty casteila ; the Anio Vetusy ten regiones through thirty-five casteila ; the Marcia, ten retnones through fifty-one casteila ; the Tepula, four regiones through fourteen casteila ; the Juliay seven regiones through seventeen casteila; the Virgo, three regiones throogh eighteen casteila ; the Claudia and the A nio Veins, ninety-two casteila. (Frontin. 79—86.) For an account of the parts of the city supplied by the different aqueducts, sec Becker, Handb. d. Horn. AUerth. vol. i. pp. 70", 708.

The subjoined plan and elevation represent a ruin still remaining at Rome, commonly called the ** Trophies of Maiius,* which is generally considered to have been the casteUum of an aqueduct.


It is now much dilapidated, but was tolerably entire about the middle of the 16th century, as may be seen by the drawing published by Gamucci (AttticJtita di Roma, iii. p. 100), from which this restoration is made. The trophies, then remaining in their places, from which the monument derives its modern appellation, are now placed on the CapitoL The ground plan is given from an excavation made some years since by the students of the French Academy ; it explains part of the internal construction, and shows the arrangement adopted for disposing of the superfluous water of an aqueduct. The general stream of water is first divided by the round projecting buttress into two courses, which subdivide themselves into five minor streams, and finally fall into a reservoir.

The casteila were divided into two classes, the publica and privata.

The castclla publico were again subdivided into ux classes, which furnished water for the following Met: — (1.) The Praetorian camp {contra); (2.) the ponds and fountains (focus et salicntcs) ; (3.) the circus, naujnachiae, and amphitheatres (munera) ; (4.) the baths, and the service of certain important handicrafts, such as the fullers, dyers, and tanners (opera publico) ; (5.) irregular distributions made by the special order of the emperor (nomine L'aetaru); (b\) extraordinary grants to private individuals by the favour of the prince (beneftda Caesaris). The distribution under each of these beads is described by Frontinus (3, 78).

The casieUa privata were, as the name implies, for the supply of private houses. When a supply of water from the aqueducts was first granted for private uses, each person obtained his quantum by inserting a branch pipe, as we do, into the main ; which was probably the custom in the age of Vitruriua, as he makes no mention of private reservoirs. Indeed, in early times, all the water brought to Rome by the aqueducts was applied to public purposes exclusively, it being forbidden to the citizens to divert any portion of it to their own use, except such as escaped by flaws in the ducts or pipes, which was termed aqua caduca. (Frontin. 94.) But as even this permission opened a door for great abuses from the fraudulent conduct of the aquarii, who damaged the ducts for the purpose of selling the aqua caduca, and as the subsequent method of supply required the main-pipe to be punctured in too many places (Frontin. 27), a remedy was sought by the institution of castella prirata, and the public were henceforward forbidden to collect the aqua caduca, unless permission was given by special favour (beneficium) of the emperor. (Frontin. 111.) The castclla privata were built at the joint expense of the families supplied by them ; but they were considered as public property, and were under the control of the e i '•• rti aquarum. (Frontin. 106.) The right of water (Jus aquae impetratae) did not follow the heir or purchaser of the property, but was renewed bv grant upon every change in the possession. (Frontin. 107.)

The leaden cisterns, which each person had in his own house to receive the water laid on from the casteUum privatum, were called castella domestica.

All the water which entered the casteUum was measured, at its ingress and egress, by the size of the tube through which it passed. The former was called modulus acceptorius, the latter erogatorius. To distribute the water was termed crogare ; the distribution, erogatio; the size of the tube, fcstularmm or modulorum capacitas, or lumen. The smaller pipes which led from the main to the houses of private personB, were called punctae; those inserted by fraud into the duct itself or into the main after it had left the casteUum, fistulae illicitae.

The erogatio was regulated by a tube called calir, of the diameter required, and not less than a foot in length, attached to the extremity of each pipe, where it entered the casteUum ; it was probably of lead in the time of Vitruvius, such only being mentioned by him ; but was made of bronze (aeneus) when Frontinus wrote, in order to check the roguery of the aquarii, who were able to increase or diminish the flow of water from the reservoir by compressing or extending the lead.

As a further security, the eulix was Btamped. Pipes which had no calix, were termed salutae. Frontinus also observes that the velocity of the water passing through the calix, and, consequently, the quantity given out, could be varied according to the angle which the calix made with the side of the reservoir: its proper position was, of course, horizontal.
It is evident how watchful an oversight must have been required to keep the aqueducts in repair, to regulate their use, and to prevent the fraudulent abstraction of their water. Under the republic, this office was discharged, sometimes, by the censors, but more generally by the aedib s (Cic. ad Div. viii. 6), and sometimes a special overseer was appointed. (Frontin. 95, 119.) Augustus first established the office of curator (or praefectus) aquarum (Suet Octuv. 37), the duties of which are minutely described by Frontinus (99), who seems, while he held the office, to have performed it with the utmost zeal: among other cares, he had plans and models made oi the whole course of all the nqueducts (17, 64). The curatores aquarum were invested with considerable authority. They were attended outside the city by two lictors, three public slaves, a secretary, and other attendants.

In the time of Nerva and Trajan, a body of four hundred and sixty slaves were constantly employed under the orders of the curatores aquarum in attending to the aqueducts. They were divided into two families, the familia publico, established by Agrippa, and the familia Caesaris, added by Claudius ; and they were subdivided into the following classes: — 1. The villici, whose duty it was to attend to the pipes and caUces. 2. The castellarii, who had the superintendence of all the costaf/a, both within and without the city. 3. The circuitores, so called because they had to go from post to post, to examine into the state of the works, and also to keep watch over the labourers employed upon them. 4. The silicarii, or paviours, who had to remove and relay the pavement when the pipes beneath it required attention. 5. The tectores, who had charge of the masonry of the aqueducts. These and other workmen appear to hare been included under the general term of Acjuarii. (Cod. xii. tit 42 or 43. s. 10 ; Frontin. 116, 117.) The following are the most important works on the Roman aqueducts : — Frontinus, de Aquaeductibus Urbis Romae ; Fabretti, de Aquis et Aquaeductibus Veteris Romas; Stieglitz, Arch'dologic der Baukunst; Ilirt, Osschiehts d. Baukunst; Plainer and Bunscn, Beschreibung d. Stadt Rom; Becker, Handbuch d. Romisclicn Altertliumer, vol. i.) [P. a]

AQUAE DUCTUS. [servitutrs.]



AQUAE HAUSTUS. [servitutbs.] AQUAE PLUVIAE ARCENDAE ACTIO. That water was called aqua pluvia which fell from the clouds, and overflowed in consequence of showers, and the prevention of injury to land from such water was the object of this action. The action aquae pluviae was allowed between the owners of adjoining land, and might be maintained either by the owner of the higher land against the owner of the lower land, in case the latter by any thing done to his land (manu facto opere) prevented the water from flowing naturally from the higher to the lower land ; or by the owner of the lower land against the owner of the higher land, in case the latter did any thing to his land by which the water flowed from it into the lower land in a different way from what it naturally would. In the absence of any special custom or law to the contrary, the lower land was subject to receive the water which flowed naturally from the upper land ; and this rule of law was thus expressed,—ager inferior superiors servit. The fertilising materials carried down to the lower land were considered as an ample compensation for any damage which it might sustain from the water. Many difficult questions occurred i i the application to practice of the general rules of law as to aqua pluvia ; and, among others, this question,—-What things done by the owners of the land were to be considered as preventing or altering the natural flow of the waters ? The conclusion of Ulpian is, that acts done to the land for the purposes of cultivation were not to be considered as acts interfering with the natural flow of the waters. Water which increased from the falling of rain, or in consequence of rain changed its colour, was considered within the definition of aqua pluvia ; for it was not necessary that the water in question should be only rain water, it was sufficient if there was any rain water in it. Thus, when water naturally flowed from a pond or marsh, and a person did something to exclude such water from coming on his land, if such marsh received any increase from rain water, and so injured the land of a neighbour, the person would be compelled by this action to remove the obstacle which he had created to the free passage of the water.

This action was allowed for the special protection of land (agcr) : if the water injured a town or a building, the case then belonged to flumina and stillicidia. The action was only allowed to prevent damage, and therefore a person could not have this remedy against his neighbour, who did any thing to his own land by which he stopped the water which would otherwise flow to that person's land and be profitable to it The title in the Digest contains many curious cases. (Dig. 39. tit. 3 ; Cic. Pro Muren. 10, Topic. 9 ; Boethius, Comment, in Cic. Top. iv. 9.) [O. L.]

AQUA'RIl, were Blaves who carried water for bathing, &c. into the female apartments: they were also called aquarioli, and were held in great contempt (Juv. vi. 332 ; Festus, s. v. and Mutter's Note ; Hieron. Ep. 27; Jul. Paul. iii. 7.) Becker imagines that the name was also applied to slaves who had the care of the fountains and ponds in gardens. (Gallusy vol. i. p. 288.) The aquarii were also public officers who attended to the aqueducts under the aediles, and afterwards under the curaiores aquarum. (Cic ad Earn, viii. 6 ; Zeno, Cod. Just. xi. tit 42; Aquaeductus.) [P. S.]


ARA (&&fi6s, iax4pai &vr-(ipiov\ an altar. Altars were in antiquity so indispensable a part of the worship of the gods, that it seemed impossible to conceive of the worship of the gods without nltors. Thus we have the amusing syllogism in Lucian, u yap ci<rl jSwpof, «tVl Ko! btol' a\\a ftfr «url /3u>um, tlo\v &pa Koi beoi {Jupiter Trag. c 51). In reference to the terms, @wp6s properly signifies any elevation, and hence we find in Homer Upbs finals, but it afterwards came to be applied to an elevation used for the worship of the g»ds, and hence an altar. *E(rxapa was used in

the limited sense of an altar for bnmt-offerings. In Latin ara and aUare are often used without any distinction, but properly ara was lower than a/tare: the latter was erected in honour of the superior gods, the former in honour of the inferior, heroes and demigods. Thus we read in Virgil (Ed, v. 65): —

** En quattuor aras: Ecce duas tibi, Daphni; duas, altaria, Phoebe"

On the other hand, sacrifices were offered to the infernal gods, not upon altars, but in cavities (scrobes, scrobiculi) jSdfywi, \ducK0t) dug in the ground. (Festus, s. c. Altaria.)

As among the ancients almost every religious act was accompanied by sacrifice, it was often necessary to provide altars on the spur of the occasion, and they were then constructed of earth, sods, or stones, collected on the spot When the occasion was not Budden, they were built with regular courses of masonry or brickwork, as is clearly shown in several examples on the column of Trajan at Rome. Sec the left-hand figure in the woodcut annexed. The first deviation from this absolute simplicity of form consisted in the addition of a base, and of a corresponding projection at the top, the latter being intended to hold the fire and the objects offered in sacrifice. These two parts are so common as to )>e almost uniform types of the form of an altar, and will be found, in all the figures inserted underneath.

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It was necessary that an altar should be built in the open air, in order that the steam of the sacrifice might be wafted up to heaven, and it might be built in any place, as on the side of a mountain, on the shore of the sea, or in a •acred grove. But as the worship of the gods was in later times chiefly connected with temples, altars became an indispensable part of the latter, and though there could be altars without temples, there could hardly be temples without altars. The altars of burnt-offerings, at which animal sacrifices were cd, were erected before the temples (/3&mol , Aesch. Suppl. 497), as shown in the woodcut in the article Ant Ax ; but there were also altars, on which incense was burnt and bloodless sacrifices offered, within the temple, and principally before the statue of the divinity to whom they were dedicated. All altars were places of refuge. The were considered as placing themselves the protection of the deities to whom the - were consecrated ; and violence to the unforeren to slares and criminals, in such cir, was regarded as violence towards the It was also the practice among the Greeks to take solemn oaths at altars, either taking hold of the altar or of the statue of the god. Cicero (pro B*ilb. 5) expressly mentions this as a Greek practice. (Comp. K. F. Hermann, Goitesdieati. AlirrtA. d. Gnecke*, § 17, and § 22. n. 9.) ARAEOSTVLOS. [txmpluj*.] ARATEIA (dpdrtta), two sacrifices offered every year at Sicyon in honour of Aratus, the genera/ of the Achaean*, who after his death was Devoured by his countrymen as a hero, in consequence of the command of an oracle. (Paus. ii. 9. § 4.) The M account of the two festive days is pressed m Plutarch's Life of Aratus (c.53). The gays he, offer to Aratus two sacrifices

every year: the one on the day on which lie delivered his native town from tyranny, which is the fifth of the month of Dai*ius, the same which the Athenians call Anthesterion ; and this sacrifice they call ffirr+fpto. The other they celebrate in the month in which they believe that be was born. On the first, the priest of Zeus offered the sacrifices ; on the second, the priest of Aratus, wearing a white ribbon with purple spots in the centre, songs being sung to the lyre by the actors of the stage. The public teacher (yv^ro<rlapxot) l*d his boys and youths in proccMion, probably to the heroum of Aratus, followed by the senators adorned with garlands, after whom came those citixens who wished to join the procession. The S icy onions still observe, he adds, some porta of the solemnity, but the principal honours have been abolished by time and other circumstances. (Wachsmuth, HelUn. Altertk. vol. D. p. 528.) [L.8.] ARATRUM (&>oTpor), a plough. The Greeks appear to have had from the earliest times diversities in the fashion of their ploughs. Hesiod (Op. ft />'*■*, 43*2) advises the farmer to have always two ploughs, so that if one broke the other might be raidy for use ; and they were to be of two kinds, the one called *irr6yvot>, because in it the plough-tail (71/171,6swis, Lmru) was of the same piece of timber with the share-beam (fAiz/ia, tfau, dentale) and the pole ' Mpot, l<rro€oivtt temo) . and the other called njirrsV, Le. compacted, because in it the three above-mentioned parts, which were to be of three different kinds of timber.

were adjusted to one another, and fastened together by means of nails (y6ft^ouriy), (Comp. Horn. IL x. 353, xiiL 703.)

The method of forming a plough of the former kind was by taking a young tree with two brnnchrs proceeding from its trunk in opposite directions, so that whilst in ploughing the trunk was made to serve for the pole, one of the two branches stood upwards and became the tail, and the other penetrated the ground, and, being covered sometimes with bronxe or iron, fulfilled the purpose of a share. This form is exhibited in the uppermost figure of the annexed woodcut, token from a medal. The

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(Excursion in Asia Minor, 1838, p. 71) observes that each portion of this instrument is still called by its ancient Greek name, and adds, that it seems suited only to the light soil prevailing where he observed it, that it is held by one hand only, that the form of the share (Swir) varies, and that the plough is frequently used without any share. ** It is drawn by two oxen, yoked from the pole, and guided by a long reed or thin stick (tcdrpivos), which has a spud or scraper at the end for cleaning the share." See the lowest figure in the woodcut.

Another recent traveller in Greece gives the following account of the plough which he saw in that country—a description approaching still nearer to the in\KTOv bpoTpov of Homer and Hesiod. "It is composed," says he, " of two curved pieces of wood, one longer than the other. The long piece forms the pole, and one end of it being joined to the other piece about a foot from the bottom, divides it into a share, which is cased with iron, and a handle. The share is, besides, attached to the pole by a short cross-bar of wood. Two oxen, with no other harness than yokes, are joined to the pole, and driven by the ploughman, who holds the handle in his left hand, and the goad in his right." (Hobhouse, Journey through Albania, See, vol. i. p. 140.) A view of the plain of Elis, representing this plough in use, is given by Mr. S. Stanhope in his Olympia (p. 42).

The yoke and pole used anciently in ploughing did not differ from those employed for draught in general. Consequently they do not here require any further description. [jvqum.] To the bottom of the pole, in the compacted plough, wfis attached the plough-tail, which, according to Hesiod, might be made of any piece of a tree (especially the irpivoi, i. e. the ilex, or holm-oak), the natural curvature of which fitted it to this use. But in the time and country of Virgil pains were taken to force a tree into that form which was most exactly adapted to the purpose. (Georg. i. 169,170.) The upper end of the buris being held by the ploughman, the lower part, below its junction with the pole, was used to hold the share-beam, which was cither sheathed with metal, or driven bare into the ground, according to circumstances.

To these three continuous and most essential parts, the two following are added in the descrip tion of the plough by Virgil: —

1. The earth-boards, or mould-boards (aures), rising on each side, bending outwardly, in such a manner as to throw on either hand the soil which had been previously loosened and raised by the share, and adjusted to the share-beam which was made double for the purpose of receiving them: —

" Dinac aures, duplici aptnntur dentalia dorso."

According to Palladius (i. 43), it was desirable to have ploughs both with earth-boards (aurita) and without them (simplicia).

2. The handle (stiva), which is seen in Fellows's woodcut, and likewise in the following representation of an ancient Italian plough. Virgil considers this part as used to turn the plough at the end of the furrow. 14 Stivaque, quae currus a tergo torqueat iraos." Scrvius, however, in his note on this line explains s//'m to mean " the handle by which the plough is directed." It is probable that, as the dentalia, i. e. the two share-beams, which Virgil supposes were in the form of the Greek letter A( which lie describes by duplici dorso,

the buris was fastened to the left share-beam, and the stiva to the right, so that, instead of the simple plough of the Greeks, that described by Virgil, and used, no doubt, in his country (bcc the following woodcut), was more like the modern Lancashire plough, which is commonly held behind with both hands. Sometimes, however, the stiva (fx^^-V-, Hes. Op. et Dies, 467) was used alone and instead of the tail, as in the Mysian plough above represented. To a plough Bo constructed the language of Columella was especially applicable, * Arator stivae paene rectus innititur" (i. 9) ; and the expressions of Ovid, ** Stivaeque innixus arator" (Met. viii. 218), and " Inde premens stivam designat moenia sulco." (Fast. iv. 825.) In place of " stiva," Ovid also uses the less appropriate term ** capulus" (Ep. de Ponto, i. 8. 61) ; "Ipse nianu capuhun prensi modcratus aratri." When the plough was held either by the stiva alone, or by the buris alone, a piece of wood (manicula) was fixed across the summit, and on this the labourer pressed with both hands. Besides guiding the plough in a straight line, his duty was to force the share to a sufficient depth into the soiL Virgil alludes to this in the phrase " Depresso aratro" (Georg. L 45). The cross-bar, which is Been in Mr. Fellows's drawing, and mentioned in Sir J. C. Hobhouse's description, and which passes from the pole to the share for the purpose of giving additional strength, was called <r*ti(hi, in Latin fulcrum. The coulter (cutter, Plin. //. N. xviii. 48) was used by the Romans as it is with us. It was inserted into the pole so as to depend vertically before the share, cutting through the roots which came in its way, and thus preparing for the more complete loosening and overturning of the soil by the share.

About the time of Pliny two small wheels (rotae, rotulae) were added to the plough hi Rhaetia ; and Servius (/. c.) mentions the use of them in the country of Virgil. The annexed woodcut shows the form of a wheel-plough, as represented on a piece of engraved jasper, of Roman workmanship. It also shows distinctly the temo or pole, the coulter or adicr, the denU.de or share-beam, the hurts or plough-tail, and the handle or stiva.

[graphic][merged small][graphic]

pious** Dow used aboat Mantua and Venice, of which an engraving is given above. 1. Buria 2. Temo. 3. Den tale. 4. Culler. a. Vomer. S. A area.

Respecting the operation of ploughing, tee ACBJCULTCa-A, fx 49. [J. V.]

ARBITER. [Jtrosx.]

ARBiTRA'RIA A'CTIO. [actio.]

ARCA, a chest or ootfex. — 1. A chest, in which the Romans were accustomed to place their money: the phrase ex ami solvere had the meaning of paying in ready money. (Comp. Cic. ad AU. L S.) These chests were either made of or bound with iron, or other metals. (jot. xi. 26, xiv. 259.) The name area was usually given to the chests in which the rich kept their money, and was opposed to the smaller locmli (Jnv. L 89), saccmJus (J a v. xi. 26"), and crtunejui.

'2. Area padjica was used under the empire to •Senify the city-funds, which were distinct from the aerarium and the fiscus, and the administration of which belonged to the senate. (Vopisc. AmrrL 20.) The name area was, however, also used as equivalent to Ji*cus, that is, the imperial treasury: thus, we read of the area frumentaria^ area <ieur?a, area Ttnaria^ Arc (Symm. X. 33 ; compare Dig. 50. tit. 4. a 1.)

3. .4rra also signified the coffin in which persons Vcr buried (Anr. Vict. De Vir. III. 42 ; Lucan, viii. 736), or the bier on which the corpse was placed previously to burial. (Dig. 11. tit 7. a 7.)

4. It was also a strong cell made of oak, in which criminals and slaves were confined. (Cic. Pro Mtiom. c 32 ; Festns, a r. Roomm.)

A'RCERA, a covered carriage or litter, spread with cloths, which was used in ancient times in Rome, to carry the aged and infirm. It is said to have obtained the name of arcera on account of its resemblance to an area. (Varr. L. L. v. 140, ed. Mutter ; GelL xx. 1.)

ARCHEION" (tVx*"*') properly means any public place belonging to the magistrates (comp. Herod, iv. 62), but was more particularly applied at Athens to the archive office, where the decreet of the people and other state documents were preserved. This office is sometime* called merely To hi\jjj6ctow. (Dem. de Cur. p. 275.) At Athent the archives were kept in the temple of the mother of the gods (jiirrp*pov)^ and the charge of it was intrusted to the president (crio'TdVns) of the senate of the Five-hundred. (Dem. de FaU, Leg. p. 381, im Aruteff. I p. 799 ; Pans. L 3. § 4.)

ARCHIA'TER (apx^rpos, compounded of AfXo* or &pxmyj a chief, and torpd'i, a phytician), a medical title under the Roman emperors, the exact signification of which has been the subject of much discussion ; for while some persons interpret it ** the chief of the physicians " (quasi Tov utrp&r) others explain it to mean ** the physician to the prince" (ouuiti Tow &pxorrot tarp6\). Upon the whole it seems tolerably certain that the former is the true meaning of the word, and for these reasons : — 1. From its etymology it can hardly have any other sense, and of all the words similarly formed (hoxninuv, ipXtrpixXiPos, apxtfir*o'K0WOSi ^LC*^ tnerc is not on.» that has any reference to " the prince." 2. We find the title applied to phyticians who lived at Edessa, Afexandria, &c~, where no king was at tkt time reigning. 3. Galen (de Therod /*«. c. 1, rolx/r. p. 21I, ed. Kului) apeak* of Andromachus |

being appointed ** to nde orerm the physicians i -iK), i.e., in bet, to be *arrhiaier." 4. Augustine (Xss 1 M u. Dmi, iii. 17) applies the word to Aesculapius, and St Jerome (metaphorically of course) to our Saviour (xiii. tlomiL m & Lme.)% in both which cases it evidently means " the chief physician.'* 5. It is apparently synonymous with prutomtedtemty mpra sseoscot, dominu* ss*W*rvrsiM, and tmperpomihu sssuVorwai, all which expressions occur in inscriptions, Ac, and also with the title Hats "ala *l-ateUta\, among the Arnbiona (i. We find the names of several persons who were physicians to the emperor, mentioned without the addition of the title arcmiater. 7. The archiatri were divided into Arckmitri mimeti palatii, who attended on the emperor, and Aremiatn /.o/m/unv, who attended on the people; so that it is certain that oJi those who bore this title were not u physicians to the primee."* The chief argument to favour of the contrary opinion seems to arise from the met, that of all those who are known lo have held the other of Archiutri the greater port certainly acre also physicians to the emperor ; but this is only what might a priori be expected, vis. that those who bad attained the highest rank in their profession would be chosen to attend upon the prince. *

The first person whom we find hearing this title is Andromachus, phytician to Nem, and inventor of the Theriaca (Galen. Le. • Erotian. 7>-r. I've. Hipftocr. Praef.) : but it is not known whether he had at the tame time any sort of authority over the rest of the profession. In (act, the history of the title is as obscure as its meaning, and it is chiefly by meant of the laws resecting the medical profession that we learn the rank and duties attached to it In after times (as was stated above) the order appears to have been divided, and we find two distinct classes of archiatri, viz. those of the palace and those of the people. (C<»d. Theodos. xiii. tit 3 ; /"• Medici* H J'ro/esmorAms.) The arcmiatri mimeti paiatii were persons of high rank, who not only exercised their profession, but wen judges on occasion of any disputes that might occur among the physicians of the place. They had certain privileges granted to them, e. p. they were exempted from all taxes, as were also their wives and children; they were not obliged to lodge soldiers or others in the provinces; they could not be put in prism, &C. ; for though thes<- privilege* seem at first to have been common to all physicians (Cod. Just x. tit. 52. s. 6. U ei marime

Arc&iairos\ yet afterwords they were confim*d to the archiatri of the palace, and to those of Rome. When they obtained their dismissal from attendance on the emperor, either from old age or any other cause, they retained the title ex-arcJuatrit or ejr-arcmiatrit. (Cod. x. tit 52. leg. 6.) The archiatri poptdaret were established for the relief of the poor, and each city was to be provided with five, seven, or ten, according to its tixe. (Dig. 27. tit 1. a 6.) Rome had fourteen, besides one for the vestal virgins, and one for the gymnasia. (Cod. Theodos. /. c.) They were paid by the government, and were therefore obliged to attend their poor patients gratis ; but were nllowed to receive fees from the rich. (Cod. Theodos. /. c.) The archiatri populares were not appointed by the

* Just as in England the President of the College of Physicians is (or used to be) ex-ofhcio physician to the sovereign.

governors of the provinces, but were elected by the people themselves. (Pig. 50. tit. 9. s. 1.) The office appears to have been more lucrative than that of arch Lit ri sancti palatii, though less honourable. In later times, we find in Cassiodorus (see Mcibom. Comment, in Cass. Formul. Archiatr. 11 el ins t 1668) the title 44 comes archiatrorum,** u countof the archiatri," together with an account of his duties, by which it appears that he was the arbiter and judge of all disputes and difficulties, and ranked among the officers of the empire as a vicarins or rfw. (See Le Clerc, and Sprengcl, /list, de la Med. Further information on the subject may be found in several workB referred to in the Oxford edition of Theophilus De Corp. Hum. Faltr. p. 275 ; and in Gold horn, De Archiatris Romanis et eorum Oriqine usque ad Jinem imperii Homani Occidentalis, Lips. 1841.) [W.A.G.]

ARCHIMI'MUS. [mimus.]

ARCHITECTU'RA (opx«-«icToWa, ipx""«cTovikt)). in its widest sense, signifies alt that we understand by architecture, and by civil and military engineering: in its more restricted meaning, it is the science of building according to the laws of proportion and the principles of beauty. In the former sense, it has its foundation in necessity: in the latter, upon art Liking occasion from necessity. The hut of a savage is not, properly speaking, a work of architecture; neither, on the other hand, is a building in which different and incongruous styles are exhibited side by side. An architectural construction, in the artistic sense, must possess not only utility, but beauty, and also unity: it must be suggestive of some idea, and referable to some model.

The architecture of every people is not only a most interesting branch of its antiquities, but also a most important feature in its history; as it forms one of the most durable and most intelligible evidences of advancement in civilization. If the Greek and Roman literature and history had been a blank, what ideas of their knowledge, and power, and social condition would their monuments have still suggested to us ! What a store of such ideas is even now being developed from the monuments of Asia, Egypt, and America !

The object of the present article is to give a very compendious account of the history and principles of the art, as practised by the Greeks and Romans. The details of the subject will be, for the most part, referred to their separate and proper heads. The lives of the architects will be found in the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Mythology and Biotpnphy.

It is well observed by Stieglitz that architecture has its origin in nature and religion. The necessity for a habitation, and the attempt to adorn those habitations which were intended for the gods, are the two causes from which the art derives its existence. In early times we have no reason to suppose that much attention was paid to domestic architecture, but we have much evidence to the contrary. The resources of the art were lavished upon the temples of the gods ; and hence the greater part of the history of Grecian architecture is inseparably connected with that of the temple, and has its proper place under Templum, and the subordinate headings, such as Column A, under which heads also the different orders are described.

But, though the first rise of architecture, as a fine art, is connected with the temple, yet, viewed

as the science of construction, it must have hecn employed, even earlier, for other purposes, such as the erection of fortifications, palaces, treasuries, and other works of utility. Accordingly, it is the general opinion of antiquaries, that the very earliest edifices, of which we have any remains, are the socalled Cyclopean works, in which we see huge unsquared blocks of stone built together in the best way that their shapes would allow ; although it can be proved, in some instances, that the rudeness of this sort of work is no sufficient proof of its very early date, for that it was adopted, not from want of skill, but on account of the object of the work, and the nature of the materials employed. (Bunbury, On Cyclopean Remains in Central Italy, in the Classical Museum, vol ii.) [murus.] The account of the early palaces cannot well be separated from that of domestic architecture in general, and is therefore given under Domus ; that of erections intended, or supposed to be intended, for treasuries, will be found under Thesaurus.

In addition to these, however, there are other purposes, for which architecture, still using the term in its lower sense, would be required in a very early stage of political society ; such as the general arrangement of cities, the provision of a place for the transaction of public business, with the necessary edifices appertaining to it [agora, Forum], and the whole class of works which we embrace under the head of civil engineering, such as those for drainage [cloaca, Emissaries], for communication [via, Pons], and for the supply of water [aquakductus]. The nature of these several works among the Greeks and Romans, and the periods of their development, are described under the several articles. Almost equally necessary are places devoted to public exercise, heahh, and amusement, Gymnasium, StaDium, Hippodromus, Circus, Balneum, ThkaTrum, Amphitiikatrum. Lastly, the skill of the architect has been from the earliest times employed to preserve the memory of departed men and past events ; and hence we have the various works of monumental and triumphal architecture, which are described under the heads Fun us, Arcus, Column A.

The materials employed by the architect were marble or stone, wood, and various kinds of earth, possessing the property of being plastic while moist and hardening in drying, with cement and metal clamps for fastenings : the various metals were also extensively used in the way of ornament The details of this branch of the subject are given in the descriptions of the several kinds of building.

The princijiles of architectural science are utility, projtortion, and the imitation of nature. The first requisite is that every detail of a building should be subordinate to its general purpose. Next, the form of the whole and of its parts must be derived from simple geometrical figures; namely, the straight line, the plane surface, and regular or symmetrical rectilinear figures, as the equilateral or isosceles triangle, the square or rectangle, and the regular polygons ; symmetrical curves, as the circle and ellipse ; and the solids arising out of these various figures, such as the cube, the pyramid, the cylinder, the cone, the hemisphere, &c Lastly, the ornaments, by which these forms are relieved and beautified, must all be founded either on geometrical forms or on the imitation of nature.

To this outline of the purposes and principles of

the art, it only remains to subjoin a brief sketch of Iu history, which Hirt and Miiller divide into fire periods: the first, which is chieny mythical, comes down to the time of Cypsehu, OL 30, & c 660 (Muiler brings this period down to the 50th Olympiad, B. c. 580) : the second period comes down to the termination of the Persian war, OL 75. 2, B- c 478 (Muiler brings it down to OL 80, B. c 460): the third is the brilliant period from the end of the Persian war to tbe death of Alexander the Great, OL 114, B.C. 323 (Mailer closes this period with the death of Philip, OL 111, & c 336): the fourth | period is brought down by H in to the battle of Actrnm, n. c 31, bnt by Muiler only to the Roman conquest of Greece, B. c 146; the latter division has the convenience of marking the transition from Greek to Roman architecture: Hirta fifth period is that of the Roman empire, down to tbe dedication of Constantinople, A. D. 330; while MuQer s fifth period embraces the whole history of Roman architecture, from tbe time when it began to imitate the Greek, down to the middle ages, when it became mingled with the Gothic: IIirt*s crrision requires us to draw a more definite line of I demarcation than is possible, between the Roman and Byzantine styles, and also places that line too

The characteristics of these several periods will be developed under the articles which describe the several classes of buildings: they axe therefore noticed in this place with the utmost possible brevity. Our information respecting the first period is derived from the Homeric poems, the traditions preserved by other writers, and the most ancient monuments of Greece, Central Italy, and the coast of Asia Minor. Strongly fortified cities, pa lares, and treasuries, are the chief works of the earlier part of this period; and to it may be referred most of the so-called Cyclopean remains ; while tbe era of the Dorian invasion marks, in all probability, the commencement of the Dorian style of temple architecture. Tbe principal iiames of artists belonging to this period are Daedalus, Ruryalos, Hyperbius, Docius,and some others. In the second period the art made rapid advances under the powerful patronage of the aristocracies in some cities, as at Sparta, and of the tyrants in , as Cypselus at Corinth, Thcagnes at Megan, I at S icy on, the Peisistratids at Athens, and PolycraXes at Samoa. Architecture now assumed decidedly the character of a fine art, and became associated with the sister arts of sculpture and painting, which are essential to its development. The temples of particular deities were enriched and adorned by presents, such as those which Croesus sent to the Pythian Apollo. Magnificent temples sprung up in all the principal Greek cities; and while the Doric order was brought almost, if not quite, to perfection, in Greece Proper, in the Doric colonies of Asia Minor, and in Central Italy and Sicily, the Ionic order appeared, already perfect at its first invention, in the great temple of Artemis at Epbesus. The ruins stiE existing at Psestum, Syracuse, Agrigentum, Selinus, Aegiaa, and other places, are imperishable monuments of this period. Nor were works of milky neglected, as we see in the fountain of the Pettutntids at Athens, the aqueduct at Samos [iQCttooermJ, the se^ra (*»**"0 j»t»» , i eia i -» inrinentum. J o this period also (

commencement of the third and most brilliant period of the art was signalised by the rebuilding of Athens, the establishment of mrular principles for the laying out of cities by Hippodamus of Mile* tns, and the great works of the age of Pcrirlea, by the contemporaries of Pbcidias, at Athens, Eleusia, and Olynipia ; during its course every city of Greece and her colonies was adorned with splendid edifices of every description ; and its trmiiimii.>ti is marked by the magnificent works of Ik-inocri.tr* and hit contemporaries at Alexandria. Antiueh, and other cities. The first part of the fourth period saw the extension of the Grerk architecture over the countries conquered by Alexander, and, in the West, the commencement of the new style, which arose from the imitation, with some alteration*, of tbe Greek forms by Roman artlnt. it>, to which the conquest of Greece gave, of course, a new impulse. By the time of Augustus, Home was adorned with erery kind of public and prirate edifice, surrounded by villas, and furnished with roads and aqueducts; and these various erections were adorned by the forms of ftm-ian art; but already Vitruvius begins to complain that the purity of that art is corrupted by the intermixture of heterogeneous forms. This process of deterioration went on rapidly during the fifth period, though combined at first with increasing magnificence in the scale and number of the buildings erected. The early part of this period is made illustrious by the numerous works of Augustus, and hia successors, especially the Flavii, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, at Home and in the provinces ; but from the time of the Antonines the decline of the art was rapid and decided. In one department, a new impulse was given to arc hi lecture by the rise of Christian churches, which wt re generally built on the model of the Koman Basilica. One of the most splendid specimens of Christian architecture is the church of S. Sophia at Constantinople, built tn the reign of Justinian, A. V. 537, and restored, after its partial destruction by an earthquake, in 554. But, long before this time, the Greco-Roman style had become thoroughly corrupted, and that new style, which it called this Byzantine, had arisen out of the mixture of Roman architecture with ideas derived from the Northern nations. It is beyond our limits to pursue the history of this and later styles of the art.

Of the ancient writers, from whom our knowledge of the subject is derived, the most important is, of course, Vitruvius. The following are the princif.nl modem works on the general subject: — Winckelmann, Anmerlmngen iiher die Batdcunst der Altrn^ 1762; Stieglitz, Arch'dolagi* der Buukuntt, 1801, and GexkichU der Baukun$t% 1827 ; II irt, liauhtxet nach den Grunde'dtzen der Alten, J80!), and (,'e»cJiicJile der Dauhaat hex den A lien, 1821; Miiller, I/andbuch der Archdologie der Kunst, 1825 ; the various works of travels, topography, and antiquities, such as those of Stuart, Chandler, Clarke, DodweU, Ate, all tbe most important of which will be found cited by the authorities referred to; and, for Central Italy, Miiller's EtnuJcer, and Abeken's MUielUalien vor der Jiomuechen 11 err•shaft. [P.S.J


ARCH 0 N (a>x«*). The government of Athens appears to have gone through the cycle of changes, which ancient history records ns the tot of many other state*. It began with monarchy ; and after passing through a dynasty * and aristocracy, ended in democracy. Of the kings of Athens, considered as the capital of Attica, Theseus may be said to have been the first; for to him whether as a real individual or a representative of a certain period, is attributed the union of the different and independent states of Attica under one head. (Thuc. it 15.) The last was Codrus ; in acknowledgment of whose patriotism in meeting death for his country, the Athenians are said to have determined that no one should succeed him with the title of &a<ri\tis, or king. It seems, however, equally probable, that it was the nobles who availed themselves of this opportunity to serve their own interests, by abolishing the kingly power for another, the possessors of which they called &pxorrts, or rulers. These for some time continued to be, like the kings of the house of Codrus, appointed for life: still an important point was gained by the nobles, the office being made irwtbQvvos, or accountable (Pans. iv. 5. § 4 ; Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1370 ; Aristot. Petit, ii. 9 ; Bockh, Pub. Earn, of Athens, vol. ii. p. 27. 1st ed.), which of course implies that the nobility had some control over it; and perhaps, like the barons of the feudal ages, they exercised the power of deposition.

This state of things lasted for twelve reigns of archons. The next step was to limit the continuance of the office to ten years, still confining it to the Medontidae, or house of Codrus, so as to establish what the Greeks called a dynasty, till the archonship of Eryxias, the last archon of that family elected as such, and the seventh decennial archon. (Clinton, F. II., vol. i. p. 182.) At the end of his ten years (a C 61)4), a much greater change took place : the archonship was made annual, and its various duties divided among a college of nine, chosen by suffrage (xftPvroyla) from the Eupatridae, or Patricians, and no longer elected from the Medontidae exclusively. This arrangement continued till the timocracy established by Solon, who made the qualification for office depend not on birth, but property, still retaining the election by suffrage, and, according to Plutarch, so far impairing the authority of the archons and other magistrates, as to legalise an appeal from them to the courts of justice instituted by himself. ("Offo reus apx0** £to|c Kplvtiv, opolws Koll trtpX

iKflvuV €1S TO SiKOtTTf]pi0lf i$4attS iZwKev,

Plut. Solon. 18.) The election by lot is believed to have been introduced by Cleisthencs (a c 608 ; Herod. vL 109); for we find this practice existing shortly after his time; and Aristotle (Polit. ii. 9) expressly states that Solon made no alteration in the aXpeats, or mode of election, but only in the qualification for office. If, however, there be no interpolation in the oath of the Heliasts (Dem. c. Timocr. p. 747), we are forced to the conclusion that the election by lot was as old as the time of Solon ; but the authority of Aristotle and other evidence strongly incline us to some such supposition, or rather leave no doubt of its necessity. The last change is supposed to have been made by Aristcides (Vpdtptt ^tpia^a icotrhv thai T^v iroKtrdcw, Kcd rot/s &pxoyTar 'ABitmuof Tjlvtwv cupua&ai, Plut. Arist. 22), who, after the battle of Plataea (a c 479),

* By this is meant that the supreme power, though not monarchical, was confined to one family.

abolished the property qualification, throwing open the archonship and other magistracies to all the citizens, that is, to the Thetes, as well as the other classes, the former of whom were not allowed by Solon's laws to hold any magistracy at all; in conformity with which, we find that, even in the time of Aristeidcs, the archons were chosen by lot from the wealthiest class of citizens {pi Ttantuioo-ia/liSi/woi, Plut. Arisl. ad hut).

Still, after the removal of the old restrictions, some security was left to insure respectability; for, previously to an archon entering on office, he underwent an examination called the fardxpio-is (Pollux, viit 85 ; Dcinar. c.Aristog. p. 107 ; TowsIwia 6px0VTa* ayaxpfwTC d yovias ev troiovo'tv. Dem. c. JSubul. p. 1320), as to his being a legitimate and a good citizen, a good son, and qualified in point of property: ti To rlfxtj/ia Arriv airr$ ; was the question put Now, there are (Schumann, Dt Comitiis, p. 312. ; Bockh, vol. it p. 277) strong reasons for supposing that this form of examination continued even after the time of Aristcides ; and if so, it would follow that the right in question was not given to the Thetes promiscuously, but only to such as possessed a certain amount of property. But even if it were so, it is admitted that this latter limitation soon became obsolete ; for we read in Lysias ('Tirjp Toc 'aivvotov, p. 169), that a needy old man, so poor as to receive a state allowance, was not disqualified from being archon by his indigence, but only by bodily infirmity ; freedom from all such defects being required for the office, as it was in some respects of a sacred character. Yet even after passing a satisfactory iriicpto-is, each of the archons, in common with other magistrates, was liable to be deposed, on complaint of misconduct made before the people, at the first regular assembly in each prytany. On such an occasion, the iirixeipoToci'a, as it was called, took place j and we read (Dem. e. Theocrin. p. 1330 ; Pollux, viit 95 ; Harp, in Kvpia 'EmrAijo-ia) that, in one case, the whole body of 0«o>w0£rai was deprived of office (iirex*'poro>^(h7), for the misbehaviour of one of their body: they were, however, reinstated, on promise of better conduct for the future.

With respect to the later ages of Athenian history, we learn from Strabo (ix. 1), that even in his day, the Romans allowed the freedom of Athens ; and we may conclude that the Athenians would fondly cling to a name and office associated with some of their most cherished remembrances. That the archonship, however, though still in existence, was merely honorary, we might expect from the analogy of the consulate at Rome ; and, indeed, we learn that it was sonictimes filled by strangers, as Hadrian and Plutarch. Such, moreover, was the democratical tendency of the assembly and courts of justice established by Solon, that, even in earlier times, the archons had lost the great political power which they at one time possessed (Thuc i. 126), and that, too, after the division of their functions amongst nine. They became, in fact, not as of old, directors of the government; but merely municipal magistrates, exercising functions and bearing titles which we will proceed to describe.

It has been already stated, that the duties of the single archon were shared by a college of nine. The first or president of this body was call.-d 6 &pxuy> hy way of pre-eminence ; and sometimes

118 - 122

i Mmpm ipX"" from the year beine distinguished
by and registered in his nainf. The secnud Wtu dried i ^oartXevs, or the king archon ; the third, i *Qktnapx°*-> or commander-in-chief ; the remaining six, •* &*tf>i*0era*, or legislators. As regards the daties of the arc boos, it is sometimes difficult to distiupmh what belonged to them individually and what collective!T. It seems, However, that a considerable portion of the judicial function* of the ancient kings devolved apon the A rckom Epo■■■mj, who was also constituted a sort of state protector of those who were nnahle to defend themselves. (Dem, c Maear. Nouoi, p. 1076 ; Pollux, viii. 89.) Thus he had to superintend orphans and their estates, heiresses, families losing their representatives (oZaoi ol i^prnfiovfitvoi), widowi pregnant, and to see that they were not in any way. Should any one do so, he was empowered to inflict a fine of a certain amount, or to faring the parties to trial. Heiresses, indeed, seem to have been under his peculiar care; for we read (Dem. e. Maear. p. 1069), that he could compel the next of kin either to marry a poor heiress himself, even though she were of a lower class, or to portion her in marriage to another. Again we find (id. p. 1055; Pollux, viii. 62) that, when a person claimed an inheor heiress adjudged to others, he sumthe party in possession before the archon nynms ('XwcSuraora) who brought the case into court, and made arrangements for trying the suit. We must, however, bear in mind that this authority was only exercised in cases where the parties

duties when the heiress was an alien. It must also be understood that, except in very few cases, the archons did not decide themselves, but merely brought the causes into court, and cast lots for the dkasts who were to try the issue, (Dem. e. Stepk, ii. p. 1136.) Another duty of the archons was to receive cloayyikiai (Harpocr. s. r.), or inforcnatian* against individuals who had wronged heiresses, children who had maltreated their parents, guardians who had neglected or defrauded their wards. (KdJtwmy wWucA^pov, yor*urvy o^Paywy. Dem. c Maear. p. 1069 ; Schumann, p. 181.) Inlof another kind, the fy6*t£i$ and <pdai%, laid before the eponymus, though De(e. Timocr. p. 707) assigned the former to the thesroothetae. (endxixis.) The last office of the archon which we shall mention was of a sacred character ; we allude to his superintendence of the greater Dionysia and the Thargelia, the latter celebrated in honour of Apollo and Artemis. (Pollnx, viii. 89.)
The functions of the Qan-iXtCs. or King Archon, were almost all connected with religion: his distitle shows that he was considered a ive of the old kings in their capacity of high priest, as the Rex Sacrificulus was at Rome. Thus he presided at the Lenaean, or older Dionysia; superintended the mysteries and the games called Aa^Todi^oyiuu, and had to offer up sacrifices and avers in the Eieusinium, both at Athens and Moreover, indictments for impiety, and r about the priesthood, were laid before him; and, in case* of murder, he brought the trial into the court of the Areiopagua, and voted with its members. His wife, also, who was called fariton*0«riX**h had to offer cortaxn saenhces, Id therefore it «• required that she should be a

citizen of pare blood, without stain or blemish. His court was held in what was called % r*C 3atrtA«wf frost (Dem, e. Laer. p, 940 ; e. Andrei, p. 601 ; c, AVuer. p. 1370 ; Lysias, e. Amdoc. p. 103, where the duties are enumerated ; Huntley, Ad Arimtopk. Aekar. I U3,ct Scholia ; Harpocr. s.r. 'EwifuXnr^i rirv MOMrrmpinrw • Plato, KmikyjJtr. ad iniL et TTmut. ad fin. ; Pollux, viii. !»0.)

The PoUmarck was originally, as his name denotes, the comirumder-m-chief (Herod, vi 109, 111 ; Pollux, viii. 91); and me find htm discharging military duties as late as the battle oi Marathon, in conjunction with the ten trrpanryoi; he there took, like the kings of old, the command of the right wing of the army. This, however, seems to be the last occasion on record of this magistrate appointed by lot, being invested with such important functions ; and in after ages we find that his duties ceased to be military, having been in a great measure transferred to the protection and superintendence ol the resident aliens, so that he resembled m many respects the praetor perpgrinus at Rome. I u fact, we learn from Aristotle, in his M Constitution of Athens,** that the polemarch stood in the same relation to foreigners as the archon to citizens. (Demosth. c Lncr. p. 940 ; Arist apud Harpocr. s. e.; Pollux, viii. 91, 92.) Thus, all actions affecting aliens, the isoteles and proxeni, were brought before him previously to trial ; as, for instance, the oiVn awpotrraalov against a foreigner, for living in Athens without a patron ; so was alas the 8urn awo<rraffiov against a slave who failed in his duty to the master who had freed hint. More

it was the polemarch'• duty to yearly sacrifice to Artemis, in commemoration of the vow made by Callimachus, at Marathon, nnd to arrange the funeral games in honour of those who fell in war. These three archons, the iwwwuoi, fkurt\*vs, and Tokfpapxos, were each allowed two assessors to assist them in the discharge of their duties.

The Themotketas were extensively connected with the administration of justice, and appear to have been called legislators (Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 17), because in the absence of a written code, they might be said to make lawn, or btcuol, in the ancient language of Athens, though in reality they only declared and explained them. They were required to review, every year, the whole body of laws, that they might detect any inconsistencies or superfluities, and discover whether any laws which were abrogated were in the public records amongst the rest (A esc h in. c. Ctetipk. p. 59.) Their report was submitted to the people, who referred the necessary alterations to a legislative committee chosen for the purpose, and called vonoBtrai.

The chief part of the duties of the thesmothetae consisted in receiving informations, and bringing cases to trial in the courts of law, of the days of sitting in which they gave public notice. (Pollux, viii 87, 88.) They did not try them themselves ; but seem to have constituted a sort of grand jury, or inquest Thus they received VK8«f«5**f against parties who had not paid their fines, or owed any money to the state ; and in default of bringing the former parties to trial, they lost their right of going up to the Arciopngus at the end of their year of office. (Dem. c. Alt-id. p. 5*29; c. Maear. p. 1075 ; e. Timocr. 707; Hockh, vol. i. p. 59, vol it p. 72.) Again, indictments for

{vGptws ypsupat) were laid before them, as well as informations against olive growers, for rooting up more trees than was allowed to each proprietor by law. So, too, were the indictments for bribing the Heliaca, or any of the courts of justice at Athens, or the senate, or forming clubs for the overthrow of the democracy, and against retained advocates {(rvvfryopot) who took bribes either in public or private causes. Again, an information was laid before them if a foreigner cohabited with a citizen, or a man gave in marriage as his own daughter the child of another, or confined as an adulterer one who was not so. They also had to refer informations (u(rayy*\iai) to the people ; and where an information had been laid before the senate, and a condemnation ensued, it was their duty to bring the judgment into the courts of justice for confirmation or revision. (Dem. c. Steph. il p. 1137; c. Neaer. pp. 1351, 1363, 1368, c. Timocr. p. 720 ; Pollux, viii. 88 ; Bockh, voLL pp. 259, 317.)

A different office of theirs was to draw up and ratify the <rvp6o\a, or agreements, with foreign states, settling the terms on which their citizens should sue and be sued by the citizens of Athens. In their collective capacity, the archons are said to have had the power of death in case an exile returned to an interdicted place: they also superintended the iirixttp nov'ta of the magistrates, held every prytany (^jrepwr&kn «i Bo/cei Koxus Qpxw\ and brought to trial those whom the people deposed, if an action or indictment were the consequence of it. Moreover, they allotted the dicasts or jurymen, and prolwbly presided at the annual election of the stratcgi and other military officers. (Pollux,Tiii 87,88 ; Harpocr.*. v. KaraxtipoTovla: Schumann, p. 231 ; Dem. c. Aria. p. 630.)

We may here remark, that it is necessary to be cautious in our interpretation of the words bpxh and %<»^«, since in the Attic orators they have a double meaning, sometimes referring to the archons peculiarly s:> called, and sometimes to any other magistracy. Thus in I sac us f IK Cleonymi filtered.) we might on a cursory perusal infer, that when a testator left his property away from his heir-at-law, by what was technically called a BoVis (Harpocr. $. c; Isacus, irtpl K\4\pu>v\ the archon took the original will into custody, and was required to be present at the making of any addition or codicil to it. A more accurate observation proves that by «*y Twv iLpxAvrtav is meant one of the iurrw6fwtf who formed a magistracy {^px^l) 05 WCU 118 tne nnii' archons.
A few words will suffice for the privileges and honours of the archons. The greatest of the former was the exemption from the trierarchies — a boon not allowed even to the successors of ilarmodius and Aristogeiton. As a mark of their office, they wore a chaplct or crown of myrtle ; and if any one struck or abused one of the thesmothctac or the archon, when wearing this badge of office, he became oVi/ior, or infamous in the fullest extent, thereby losing his civic rights, (Bockh, vol. ii. p. 322 ; Dem. e. Isept. pp. 462, 464, 465, c. Meid. p. 524 ; Pollux, viii. 86.) The archons, at the close of their year of service, were admitted among the members of the Areiopngus. [areiopauuh.]

The Archon Eponymus being an annual magistrate at Athens, like th < consul at Rome, it is manifest that a correct list of the archons is an

important clement in the determination of Athenian chronology. Now from Creon (b.c 684), the first annual archon, to Comias (a c. 560), we have the names of about twenty-four. From B, c 560 to the invasion of Xerxes (a c. 480), the names and years of about twenty-four more have been determined. From B. c. 480 to 292, Diodorus and Dionysius Halicarnassus furnish an almost unbroken succession for a period of nearly 200 years. The names, so far as they are known, are given by Clinton (F. //.), who remarks that the compiler of the Parian marbles places the annual archons one year too high respectively. He also states (vol. ii, p. 12) that the best list is that of Corsini, who however is surpassed by Wesseling within the period embraced by the remains of Diodorus. [R.W.] ARCHO'NES (Apx^O- [telonks.] ARCIFI'NIUS AGER. [acer.] ARCUS (also fornix, Virg. Aen. vi. 631 ; Cic, m Verr. i. 7 ; xa^utpa), an arch. It is possible to give an arched form to the covering of any opening by placing horizontal courses of stones projecting over one another, from both sides of the opening, till they meet at top, and then cutting the ends of the projecting stones to a regular curve, as shown below. This form is found in the most ancient architecture of nearly all nations, but it does not constitute a true arch. A true arch is formed of a series of wedge-like stones, or of bricks, supporting each other, and all bound firmly together by their mutual pressure.

It would seem that the arch, as thus defined, and as used by the Romans, was not known to the Greeks in the early periods of their history, otherwise a language so copious as theirs, and of such ready application, would not have wanted a name properly Greek by which to distinguish it. But the constructive principle, by which an arch is made to hold together, and to afford a solid resistance against the pressure upon its circumference, was known to them even previously to the Trojan war, and its use is exemplified in two of the earliest buildings now remaining — the chamber built at Orchomenus, by Minyas, king of Bocotia, described by Pansanias (ix. 38), and the treasury of Atreus at Mycenae. (Pans. ii. 16.) Both these works are constructed under ground, and each of them consists of a circular chamber formed by regular courses of stones laid horizontally over each other, each course projecting towards the interior, and beyond the one below it, till they meet in an apex over the centre, which was capped by a large stone, and thus resembled the inside of a dome. Each of the horizontal courses of stones formed a perfect circle, or two semicircular arches joined together, as the subjoined plan of one of these courses will render evident.

It will be observed that the innermost end of each Btone is bevelled off into the shape of a wedge, the apex of which, if continued, would meet in the centre of the circle, as is done in forming an arch ; while the outer ends against the earth arc left rough, and their interstices filled up with small irregubirshaped stones, the immense size of the principal stones rendering it unnecessary to continue the sectional cutting throughout their whole length. Indeed, if these chambers had been constructed upon any other principle, it is clear that the pressure of earth all around them would have caused them to collapse. The method of construction here described was communicated to the writer

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are formed, even in the earliest times ; although it did not occur to them to divide the circle by a diameter, and set the half of it upright to bear a sapu incumbent weight. But they made use of a contrivance even before the Trojan war, by which they were enabled to gain all the advantages of our archway in making corridors, or hollow galleries, and which in appearance resembled the pointed arch, each as is now termed Gothic This was effected by catting away the superincumbent stones in the manner already described, at an angle of about 45° with the horizon. The mode of con■traction and appearance of such arches is represented in the annexed drawing of the walls of Tiryns, copied from Sir William Gells Argolis. The gate of Signia (S*g*i) in Latium exhibits a similar example.

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— to erect bridges and aqueducts, and the most durable and massive structures of brick. The Romans, however, never used any other form of arch than the semicircle. I A. It]
ARCUS TRIUlf PHA'LISCa triumphal arch), was a structure peculiar to the Unmans, among whom it seems to have taken its origin from the Porta TrimmptaJU, the gate by which a general celebrating a triumph led his army into the city, on which occasions the gate was adorned with trophies and other memorials of tbe particular victory celebrated. In process of time other arches were erected, both at Rome and in tbe provinces, to celebrate single victories, the memorials of which

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built across the principal streets of the city, and, according to the space of their respective localities, consisted of either a single arcn-war, or of a central one for carriages, with two smaller ones on each side for foot passengers, which sometimes hare side communications with the centre arch. Sometimes there were two arches of equal height, side by side. Each front was ornamented with trophies and bas-reliefs, which were also placed on the tides of the passages. Roth facades had usually columns against the piers, supporting an entablature, surmounted by a lofty attic, on the front of which was the inscription, and on the top of it bronze chariots, war-horses, statues, and trophies.

Stertinius is the first upon record who erected any thing of the kind. lie built an arch in the Forum ttoarium, about a. c 196, and another in the Circus Maximus, each of which was mrby gilt statues. (Liv. xxxiii. 27.) Six afterwards, Scipio Africanns built another on the Clivus Capitol inns, on which he placed seven gilt statues and two figures of horses (Liv. xxxviL 3); and in sc. 121, Fabius Maximus built a fourth in the Via Sacra, which is called by Cicero (in Verr. i. 7) the Fornix I'abianu*. None of these remain, the Arch of Augustus at Rimini being one of the earliest among those still standing. That these erections were either temporary or very insignificant, may be inferred from the silence of Vitruvius, who says nothing of triimphnl arches. We might be sure, from the nature of the case, that snch structures would especially mark the period of the empire.

There arc twenty-one arches recorded by different writers as having been erected in the city of Rome, five of which now remain : — 1. Amt» Drttsi, which was erected to the honour of Nero Claudius Drusus on the Appian way. (Snet Claud. 1.) 2. Arena TO, at the foot of tbo Palatine, which was erected to the honour of Titus, after his conquest of Judaea, but was not finished till after his death ; since in the inscription upon it he is called Dints, and he is also represented as being carried up to heaven upon an eagle. The bas-reliefs of this arch represent tho spoils from the temple of Jerusalem carried in triumphal procession ; and are among the best specimens of Roman sculpture. This arch has only a single opening, with two columns of the Human or composite order on each side of it. 3. A reus Septimii Severiy which was erected by the senate (a. D. 203) at the end of the Via Sacra, in honour of that emperor and his two sons, Caracalfa and Geta, on account of his victories over the Parthians and Arabians. 4. Arms Galerected to the honour of Gal lien us by a private individual, M. Aurelius Victor. 5. A reus Constantitii, which is larger and more profusely ornamented than the Arch of Titus. It was erected by the senate in honour of Constantine, after his victory over Maxcntius. It consists of three arches, with columns against each front, and statues on the entablatures over them, which, with the other sculptured ornaments, originally decorated the arch of Trajan. [P. S-]

ARCUS (/Sio1?, r6£ov\ the bow used for shooting arrows, is one of the most ancient of all weapons, but is characteristic of Asia rather than of Europe. Thus in the description given by Herodotus (vii. 61—80) of the various nations composing the army of Xerxes, we observe that nearly all the troops without exception used the bow. The Scythians and Parthians were the most celebrated archers in the East, and among the Greeks the Cretans, who frequently served as a separate corps in the Greek armies, and subsequently also among the auxiliary troops of the Romans. (Comp. Xen. Anab. L 2. § 9 ; Liv. xlii. 35.)

The form of the Scythian and Parthian bow differed from that of the Greeks. The former was in the shape of a half-moon, and is shown in the upper of the two figures here exhibited, which is taken from one of Sir W. Hamilton's fictile vases. (Comp. Amm. Marc. xxii. 8.) The Greek bow, on the other hand, the usual form of which is shown


in the lower of the preceding figures, has a double curvature, consisting of two circular portions united in the middle (irfjxus). According to the description in Homer (//. iv. 105—126), the bow was made of two pieces of horn, hence frequently called Ktpas and cornu. The bow-string (vevpd) was twisted, and was frequently made of thongs of leather {vtvpa 06eta). It was always fastened to one end of the bow, and nt the other end there hung a ring or hook (Kopwtrrj), usually made of metal (xft""")» to which the string was attached, when the bow was to be used. In the same passage of Homer we have a description of a man preparing to shoot, and this account is illustrated by the following outline of a statue belonging to the group of the Aeginetan marbles. The bow, placed in the hands of thia statue, was probably of bronze, and has been lost

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ARDA'LION (aptd\tov). [funus.]

A'REA. [agricultura, p. 44.]

AREIO'PAGUS. The Areiopagus (6 "Apcior irdyos, or hill of Arcs), at Athens, was a rocky eminence, lying to the west of, and not far from the Acropolis. To account for the name, various stories were told. Thus, some said that it was so called from the A mazons, the daugh ters of A res, having encamped there when they attacked Athens ; othera again, as Aeschylus, from the sacrifices there offered by them to that god ; while the more received opinion connected the name with the legend of Arcs having been brought to trial there by Poseidon, for the murder of his son Halirrhotius, (Dem. c. Aru>tt>cr. p. 642 ; Acschyl. Eum. 659.) To none, however of these legends did the place owe its fame, but rather to the council ('H iv 'Apefy ndy? /Jou*4), which held its sittings there, and was some times called 'H &w 0ov\4^ to distinguish it from the senate of Five Hundred, which tat in thcOrameicus within the city. That it was a body of very remote antiquity, acting as a criminal tribunal, was evidently believed by the Athenians themselves. In proof of this, we may refer to the express assertions of the orators, and the legend of Orestes having been tried before the council for the murder of his mother — a trial which took place before Athena, and which Aeschylus represents as the origin of the court itself. Again, we find that even before the first Measenian war (a c 740) began, the

the Argive Amphictionv, or the Athenian Areiopagus (Pans. rv. 5. § 1; Thirlwall, Hi*. Gneez, vol i. p. 345), because this body was believed to have had jurisdiction in cases of manslaughter (Suras <xwi*t£s), ■ from of old.**

There is sufficient proof, then, that the Areiopagus existed before the time of Solon, though he is admitted to have so far modified its constitution and sphere of duty, that he might almost be called its founder. What that original constitution was, mast in some degree be left to conjecture, though there is every reason to suppose that it was aristocratic* 1, the members being taken, like the Ephetae, from the noble patrician families (apurrivfrtpr). We may remark that, after the time of Solon, the Ephetae, fifty-one in number, sat collectively in four different courts, and were charged with the bearing of such cases of accidental or justifiable homicide as admitted of or required expiation, before the accused could resume the civil and religious rights he had lost: a resumption impossible in rases of wilful murder, the capital punishment for which could only be escaped by banishment for life, so that no expiation was repaired or given. (Muller, Eumen. § 64 ; Pollux, viiL 1"25.) Now the Ephetae formerly administered justice in five courts, and for this and other reasons it has been conjectured that they and the Areiopagus then formed one court, which decided in all eases of murder, whether wilful or accidental. In support of this view, it has been urged that the separation of functions was rendered necessary by that change of Solon which made the Areiopagus no longer an aristocratic body, while the Ephetae remained so, and as such were competent to administer the rights of expiation, forming, as they did, a part of the sacred law of Athens, and therefore left m the hands of the old patricians, even after the loss of their political privileges. On this point we may remark, that the connection insisted on may to a great extent be true ; but that there was not a complete identity of functions is proved by Plutarch {Solon, c. 19), in a quotation from the laws of Solon, showing that even before that legislator the Areiopagites and Ephetae were in some cases distinct.

It has been observed, in the article Archon, that the principaj change introduced by Solon in the constitution of Athens, was to make the qualification for office depend not on birth but property ; also dat, asreeaWy to his reforms, the nine arc hong, after an unexceptionable discharge of their duties, u went tip" to the Areiopagus, and became memben of it for life, unless expelled for misconduct. (Mar. c. Denuxtk. p. 97 ; Pint .So/, c. IB.) The council then, aiV-r hi. tune, ceased to be constitution ; bat, as wc learn from

Solon is said to hare formed the two councils, the senate and the Areiopagus, to be a check upon the democracy ; that, as he himself expressed it, ** the state, riding upon them as anchors, might be lea. tossed by storms." Nay, even after the archon. were no longer elected by suffrage but by lot, and the office was thrown open by Aristeides to all the Athenian citizens, the 44 upper council " still retained its former tone of feeling. We learn, indeed, from Isocrates (Arriop. p. 147), that no one was so bad as not to put off his old habits on liecoming an Areiopagite; and though this may refer to private rather than public conduct, we may not unreasonably suppose that the political principle, of the younger would always be modified by tho older and more numerous members—a modification which, though continually less in degree, would still be the same in direction, and make the Areiopagus what Pericles found it, a counteracting force to the democracy. Moreover, bt sides these changes in its constitution, Solon altered and extended its functions. Before his time it was only a criminal court, trying cases of ** wilful murder and wounding, of arson and poisoning" (Pollux, viii. 117 ; Dem. cArtst. p. 627), whereas he gave it extensive powers of a censorial and political nature. Thus we learn that he made the
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so in spirit. In fact,

of everything, and the guardian of the laws," empowering it to inquire how any one got his living, and to punish the idle. (Plutarch. So/on. a 2'J ; Isoc. /. c.)

We learn from other authorities that the Areiopagites were 44 superintendents of good order and decency," t^rms rather unlimited and undefined, as it is not improbable Solon wished to leave their authority. There are, however, recorded some particular instances of its exertion. (Athcn.iv. pp.167, c—168, b. rip.245, c ed. Dindorf; Pollux, viii. 112.) Thus we find that they called persons to account for extravagant and dissolute living, and that too even in the later days of Athenian history. On the other hand, they occasionally rewarded remarkable cases of industry, and, in company with certain officers called yvvaiKovo'pot, made domiciliary visits at private entertainments, to see that the number of guests was not too large, and also for other purposes. But their censorial and political authority was not confined to matters of this subordinate character. We learn from Aristotle (Plut. Themin. c 10; see Bockh, vol. i. p. 208), that at the time of the Median invasion, when there was no money in the public treasury, the Areiopagus advanced eight drachmae a man to each of the sailors—a statement which proves that they had a treasury of their I own, rather than any control over the public finances, as some have inferred from it. (Thirlwall, Hist. 6'rreee, vol. iii. app. 1.) Again, we are told (Lycurg. c. »oe. p. 154) that at the time of tho battle of Chaeroneia, they seized and put to death those who deserted their country, and that they were thought by some to have been the chief preservation of the city.
It is probable that public opinion supported them in acts of this kind, without the aid of which they must have been powerless for any such objects. In connection with this point, we may add that when heinous crimes had notoriously been committed, but the guilty parties were not known, or no accuser appeared, the Areiopagus inquired into the subject, and reported {k-wopolvuv) to the

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demos. The report or information was called &ir<j<f>ams. This was a duty which they sometimes undertook on their own responsibility, and in the exercise of an old-established right, and sometimes on the order of the demus. (Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 97; Schomann, De Comitiu, p. 217, transl.) Nay, to such an extent did they carry this power, that on one occasion they apprehended an individual (Antiphon) who had been acquitted by the general assembly, and again brought him to a trial, which ended in his condemnation and death. (Dem. De Cor. pp.271, 272; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 98.) Again, we find them revoking an appointment of the people whereby AeBchines was made the advocate of Athens before the Amphictionic council, and substituting Hypcrides in his room. In these two cases also, they were most probably supported by public opinion, or by a strong party in the state. (Dem. I. c.)

They also had duties connected with religion, one of which was to superintend the sacred olives growing nbout Athens, and try those who were charged with destroying them. (Lysias, riepl roii 2i)icou, p. 110.) We read, too, that in the discharge of their duty as religious censors, they on one occasion examined whether the wife of the king archon was, as required by law, an Athenian ; and finding she was not, imposed a fine upon her husband. (Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1372.) We learn from the same passage, that it was their office generally to punish the impious and irreligious. Again we are told, though rather in a rhetorical way, that they relieved the needy from the resources of the rich, controlled the studies and education of the young, and interfered with and punished public characters as such. (Isocr. Arciop. p. 151.)

Independent, then, of its jurisdiction as a criminal court in cases of wilful murder, which Solon continued to the Areiopagus, its influence must have been sufficiently great to have been a considerable obstacle to the aggrandisement of the democracy at the expense of the other parties in the state. In fact, Plutarch (Solon, c. 18), expressly states that Solon had this object in view in its reconstruction ; and accordingly, we find that Pericles, who never was an archon or Areiopagite, and who was opposed to the aristocracy for many reasons, resolved to diminish its power and circumscribe its sphere of action. His coadjutor in this work was Ephialtes, a statesman of inflexible integrity, and also a military commander. (Plut. Cim.l^Peric. 10, 13.) They experienced much opposition in their attempts, not only in the assembly, but also on the stage, where Aeschylus produced his tragedy of the Eumenides, the object of which was to impress upon the Athenians the dignity, the sacredncss, and constitutional worth of the institution which Pericles and Ephialtes wished to reform. He reminds the Athenians that it was a tribunal instituted by their patron goddess Athena, and puts into her mouth a popular harangue full of warnings against innovations, and admonishing them to leave the Areiopagus in possession of its old and well grounded rights, that under its watchful guardianship they might sleep in security. (Miillcr, Eum. § 35.) Still the opposition failed: a decree was carried, about B. C. 458, by which, as Aristotle says, the Areiopagus was " mutilated," and many of its hereditary rights abolished. ( Arist Pol. iL 9; Cic De Nat Dcor, ii. 29, De Rep. i. 27.)

Cicero, who in one place speaks of the council as governing Athens, observes in another that from that time all authority was vested in the ecclesia, and the state robbed of its ornament and honour. Plutarch (tVmon, 15) tells us that the people deprived the Areiopagus of nearly all its judicial authority (rhs Kplfffts ir\)}v 6\lywv airduras), establishing an unmixed democracy, and making themselves supreme in the courts of justice, as if there had formerly been a superior tribunal. But we infer from another passage, that the council lost considerable authority in matters of state ; for we learn that Athens then entered upon a career of conquest and aggrandisement to which she had previously been a stranger; that, M like a rampant horse, she would not obey the reins, but snapped at Euboea, and leaped upon the neighbouring islands." These accounts in themselves, and as compared with others, are sufficiently vague and inconsistent to perplex and embarrass; accordingly, there has been much discussion as to the precise nature of the alterations which Pericles effected; some, amongst whom we may mention Mutler (Eum. § 37), are of opinion that he deprived the Areiopagus of their old jurisdiction in cases of wilful murder, and one of his chief arguments is that it was evidently the design of Aeschylus to support them in this prerogative, which therefore must have been assailed. For a sufficient answer to this, we would refer our readers to Bishop Thirlwairs remarks (f/ist. of Greece^ voL iii. p. 24), merely stating in addition, that Demosthenes (c. Aristocr. p. 641) * expressly affirms, that neither tyrant nor democracy had ever dared to take away from them this jurisdiction. In addition to which it may be remarked, that the consequences ascribed to the innovation do not indicate that the Areiopagus lost its authority as a criminal tribunal, but rather that it was shorn of its power as superintending the morals and conduct of the citizens, both in civil and religious matters, and as exercising some control over their decisions. Now an authority of the former kind seems far removed from any political influence, and the popular belief as to its origin would have made it a dangerous object of attack, to say nothing of the general satisfaction the verdicts had always given. We may observe, too, that one of the chief features of a democracy is to make all the officers of the state responsible; and that it is not improbable that one of the changes introduced by Ephialtes was, to make the Areiopagus, like other functionaries, accountable to the demus for their administration, as, indeed, we know they afterwards were. (Aesch. c. Ctes* p. 56; BSckh, vol. i. p. 353.) This simple regulation would evidently have made them subservient, as they seem to have been, to public opinion; whereas no such subserviency is recorded in criminal matters, their tribunal, on the contrary, being always spoken of as most just and holy; so much so, that Demosthenes says (c Arist. pp. 641, 642) that not even the condemned whispered an insinuation against the righteousness of their verdicts. Indeed, the proceedings before the Areiopagus, in cases of murder, were by their solemnity and fairness well calculated to insure

* For an able vindication of this statement of Demosthenes, the reader is referred to Hermann, Op use. vol. iv. p. 299.

jut decisions. The process was as follow* : — The

k^ng arc bun (Pollux, viiu 90) brought the case intd court, and sat as one of the judges, woo were assembled in the open air, probably to guard agaicst any contaminalion from the criminal. (Antiphon, lie Coed* Hrrvd. p. 130; Dem, e, A rut. it; Pollux, via. 33.) The accuser, who was said fls'Apttow wayor iiritnctrwrtaf^ first came farward to make a solemn oath (Ztvuoffia) that hit accusation was true, standing over the slaughtered rirtims, and imprecating extirpation upon himself and his whole family, were it not so. T he accused then denied the charge with the same solemnity and form of oath. Each party then stated his case with all possible plainness, keeping strictly to the subject, and not being allowed to appeal in any way to the feelings or passions of the judges (TpQQiiu&£*<r$aA Oust otjrrlfftr&u. Aristot. R/uri. L 1 ; Pollux, Tul 117.) After the nrst speech (uerk Tok wp6rtpoy A07O-), a criminal accused of murder might remove from Athens, and thus avoid the capital punishment fixed by Draco's Sur^ol, which on this point were still in force. Except in cases of parricide, neither the accuser nor the court had power to prevent this; but the party who thus evaded the extreme punishment was not allowed to return home (<p*vyft att^vyiar), and when any decree was passed at Athens to legalise the return of exiles, an exception was always made against those who had thus left their country (o* <( 'Ajxlov wdyov <f*vyoirr*i). See P lato, Legtx, ix. 11.

The reputation of the Areiopafus as a criminal court was of long continuance, as we may learn from an anecdote of Aulus Gellius, who tells us (xiL 7) that C. Dolabella, proconsul of the Roman province of Asia, referred a case which perplexed himself and his council to the Areiopagus (erf ad jmdioet exercitatioraqve); they

ingeniously tettled the matter by ordering the parties to appear that day 100 yean (cenirrimo axm> adate). They existed in nam", indeed, till a very late period. Thus we find Cicero mentions the council in his letters (Ad Fam, xiii. 1 ; Ad Ait. L 14, T. 11) ; and under the emperors Gratian and Theodosin* (a. D. 380), 'Pov^ui +ij<rToj is called proconsul of Greece, and an Areiopagitc. (Mciirsius, Areiop.)
Of the respectability and moral worth of the cooncii, and the respect that was paid to it, we nave abundant proof in the writings of the Athenian orators, where, indeed, it would be difficult to find it mentioned except in terras of praise. Thus Lysiaa speaks of it as most righteous and venerahl* (c, Amice, p. 104 ; compare Aesch. c. Timor. 12; Isocr. Artiap. 148) ; and so great was the respect paid to its members, that it was considered rude in the demus laughing in their presence, while one of them was making an address to the assembly on a subject they had been deputed to investigate. This respect might, of course, facilitate the resumption of some of their lost power, more especially as they were sometimes intrusted with inquiries on behalf of the state, as on the occasion to which we bare just alluded, when tber were made a sort of commissioners, to inquire into tie state of the buildings about the Pnyi, and decide upon tbe adoption or rejection of some proposed alterations. 1 Socrates, indeed, even in hit time, when the previous inquiry or tatifuvia had fallen into disuse, speaks well of

their moral influence; but shortly after the age of Demetrius Phalereus, a change had taken place ; they had lost much of their respectability, and were but ill fitted to enforce a conduct in others which they did not observe themselves. (Athen. ir. p. 167.)

The case of St Paul (Act. rviL 52.) is generally quoted as an instance of their authority in religions matters; but the words of the sacred historian do aot necessarily imply that he was brought before the council. It may, however, be remarked, that they certainly took cognisance of the introduction of new and unauthorised forms of religious worship, called rs-Wrra Upi, in contradistinction to the s-oVpu or older rites of the stale. (HarpoeraL s. rr. "ErieVroi 'Eoprai ; Schumann, Dt Cbmi/iu, p. 286. transL) There was also a tradition that Plato was deterred from mentioning the name of Moses as a teacher of the unity of the Godhead, by his fear of the Areiopagus. (Justin Martyr, (tJtor.adCraec. p. 22.)

With respect to the number of the Areiopagus in its original form, a point of no great moment, there are various accounts; but it is plain that there could have been no fixed number when the archons became members of this body at the expiration of their year of office. Lysis*, indeed, speaks of them (n«pl Tos 2t|«oc, pp. 110, 111; sea Argum. OrxU. c. A mi ml.) as forming a part of the Areiopagus even during that time; a statcm nt which can only be reconciled with the general opinion on the subject, by supposing that they formed a part of the council during their year of office, but were not permanent meml>ers till the end of that time, and aft. r passing a satisfactory examination. [ R. W.]


ARETA'LOGI, a class of persons whose conversation formed one of the entertainments of the Roman dinner-tables. (Suet. Ortar. 74.) The word literally signifies prrxmi who dueonrte about rsrfiss ; and tbe class of persons intended seem to have been poor philosophers, chiefly of the Cynic and Stoic sects, who, unable to gain a living by their public lectures, obtained a maintenance at the tables of the rich by their philosophical conversation. Such a life would naturally degenerate into that of the parasite and buffoon ; and accordingly we find these persons spoken of contemptaowsly by Juvenal, who uses the phrase mendar aretalogtu: they became a sort of srwrrae. (Juv. Sat. xv. 15, 16; comp. Casaubon. ad Suet. I. c. ; and Ruperti and Heinrich, ad Jur. I. c.) [P. S.]

A'RGEI. We leam from Livy (i. 22) that Numa consecrated places for the celebration of religious services, which were called by the nominees u argei." Varro calls them the chapels of the argei, and says they were twenty-seven in number, distributed in the different districts of the city. We know but little of the particular uses to which they were applied, and that little is unimportant. Thus we are told that they were solemnly visited on the Libcralia, or festival of Bacchus; and also, that whenever the flamen dialis went (mi) to them, he was to adhere to certain observances. They seem also to have lieen the depositaries of topographical records. Thus we read in Varro,—In taereu Argeorum icriphm est tie: Oppiut mont prinoept. &c, which is followed by a description of the neighbourhood. There was a tradition that these argei were named from the chieftains who came with Hercules, the Argive, to Home, and occupied the Capitoline, or, as it was anciently called, Satumian hill. It is impossible to say what is the historical value or meaning of this legend ; we may, however, notice its conformity with the statement that Home was founded by the Pelasgians, with whom the name of Argos was connected. (Varr. L. L. v. 45, ed. MUllcr ; Ov. Fast. iii. 791; GeU. X. 15 ; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 214.)

The name argei was also given to certain figures thrown into the Tiber from the Sublician bridge, on the Ides of May in every year. This was done by the pontifices, the vestals, the praetors, and other citizens, after the performance of the customary sacrifices. The images were thirty in number, made of bulrushes, and in the form of men (eftwAa oySpef/feAa, priscorum simulacra virorum). Ovid makes various suppositions to account for the origin of this rite ; we can only conjecture that it was a symbolical offering to propitiate the gods, and that the number was a representative either of the thirty patrician curiae at Rome, or perhaps of the thirty Latin townships. Dionysius of Halicarnassus states (i. 19, 38) that the custom continued to his times, and was instituted by Hercules to satisfy the scruples of the natives when he abolished the human sacrifices formerly made to Saturn. (Varr. L. L. vii. 44 ; Ov. Fast. v. 621; Plut. Quaes!. Rom. p. 102, Heiske; Arnold, Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 67 ; Bunsen and Platner, Beschreibung Roms, vol. L p. 688—7020 [R. W.J

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